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Abraham Lincoln

Bio: Abraham Lincoln is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Politics & Rhetoric. The author has an hindex of 13, co-authored 70 publications receiving 1107 citations.


Papers
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30 Jul 2009

52 citations

01 Jan 1953
TL;DR: In a speech to Congress, which convened on Independence Day, he depicts the Confederacy as a section of the Union in insurrection rather than a foreign nation requiring a declaration of war as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: 10 On April 12, 1861, a Confederate commander informed the Union forces stationed at Fort Sumter, in the Charleston harbor, of his plans to attack. The Civil War began an hour later. President Lincoln immediately called for 75,000 volunteers. Four states from the upper South seceded over the following month. With Congress out of session, Lincoln led the military effort without congressional approval for nearly three months. In this speech to Congress, which convened on Independence Day, he depicts the Confederacy as a section of the Union in insurrection rather than a foreign nation requiring a declaration of war. July 4, 1861 Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

41 citations

Book
01 Jan 1894
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a mock panel discussion where the participants are asked to answer each question that follows each section in their graphic organizer when done, answer the topic question in at least a paragraph Topic Lincoln's Beliefs Douglas’s Beliefs Information about the Candidate
Abstract: Background: During the mid-1800’s, the United States experienced a growing influence that pushed different regions of the country further and further apart, ultimately leading to the Civil War This influence was caused by the many conflicts occurring between the different sections of the country: North and South, East and West, Industrial and Agricultural, Democrats and Whig or Republican These conflicts can be seen in the Lincoln-Douglas debates, a series of 8 debates between the candidates for the US Senator position in Illinois in 1858 Both candidates, Democrat incumbent Stephen Douglas and Republican challenger Abraham Lincoln, can be seen as major political figures relating to the growing feeling of sectionalism and separation in the US during the mid-1800’s Directions: As you act out the mock panel discussion, answer each question that follows each section in your graphic organizer When done, answer the topic question in at least a paragraph Topic Lincoln’s Beliefs Douglas’s Beliefs Information about the Candidate

35 citations


Cited by
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TL;DR: A new technique is introduced for constructing hash signatures by combining a number of traditional hashes whose boundaries are determined by the context of the input to identify modified versions of known files even if data has been inserted, modified, or deleted in the new files.

482 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A meta-analysis by Jost, Jost et al. as discussed by the authors concluded that political conservatism is partially motivated by the management of uncertainty and threat, and they used a dynamic model that takes into account differences between young and old movements.
Abstract: A meta-analysis by J. T. Jost, J. Glaser, A. W. Kruglanski, and F. J. Sulloway (2003) concluded that political conservatism is partially motivated by the management of uncertainty and threat. In this reply to J. Greenberg and E. Jonas (2003), conceptual issues are clarified, numerous political anomalies are explained, and alleged counterexamples are incorporated with a dynamic model that takes into account differences between “young” and “old” movements. Studies directly pitting the rigidity-of-the-right hypothesis against the ideological extremity hypothesis demonstrate strong support for the former. Medium to large effect sizes describe relations between political conservatism and dogmatism and intolerance of ambiguity; lack of openness to experience; uncertainty avoidance; personal needs for order, structure, and closure; fear of death; and system threat.

290 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Theoretical and descriptive studies of the Supreme Court exhibit a curious parallel. as mentioned in this paper argues that independent judicial policymaking is rarely legitimate in a democracy because, with few exceptions, elected officials rather than appointed judges should resolve social controversies.
Abstract: Theoretical and descriptive studies of the Supreme Court exhibit a curious parallel. Both usually begin from the premise that judicial review is “a deviant institution in a democratic society.” Much normative work claims that independent judicial policymaking is rarely legitimate in a democracy because, with few exceptions, elected officials rather than appointed judges should resolve social controversies. In a frequently cited passage, Alexander Bickel asserts that the Supreme Court is “a counter-majoritarian force” in our system of government. Much empirical work, by comparison, insists that independent judicial policymaking seldom takes place in a democracy because, with few exceptions, judges appointed and confirmed by elected officials sustain whatever social policies are enacted by the dominant national coalition. Robert Dahl observes that it is “unrealistic to suppose that a Court whose members are recruited in the fashion of Supreme Court justices would long hold to norms of Right or Justice substantially at odds with the rest of the political elite.”

285 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that women's movements in Africa have adopted a rights-based approach that challenges customary land and other practices, and they have contradicted a new consensus among policymakers around the view that sees land tenure policy as building on customary systems and giving them legal recognition.
Abstract: Much of the literature on women and land tenure in Africa has viewed the introduction of land titling, registration, and the privatization of land under colonialism and after independence as a setback for women, leaving women in a state of even greater insecurity with poorer prospects for accessing land, and hence, obtaining a livelihood. The demise of the authority of clans and local elders has made women's land rights even more precarious. In this context women's movements in Africa have adopted a rights-based approach that challenges customary land and other practices. In doing so they have contradicted a new consensus among policymakers around the view that sees land tenure policy as building on customary systems and giving them legal recognition This paper attempts to account for this apparent contradiction in the case of Uganda, which has gone further than most African countries in devolving land administration to the local level, while at the same time giving rise to one of the most active women's movements challenging customary land tenure practices. If women were benefiting from customary land tenure arrangements, as the development practitioners argue, one would think the preservation of customary rights or modifications in the customary systems would have been desirable goals of the movement. This paper explores this apparent divergence of approaches to women's land rights. INTRODUCTION Much of the literature on women and land tenure in Africa has viewed the introduction of land titling, registration, and the privatization of land under colonialism and after independence as a setback for women, leaving women in a state of even greater insecurity with poorer prospects for accessing land and hence obtaining a livelihood. Customary land tenure systems were eroded and transformed in ways that were disadvantageous to women. Today, the prevailing policy and much of the scholarly wisdom, from perspectives as ideologically diverse as the World Bank, Oxfam, and many feminist development studies scholars, seems to have converged around the view that sees land tenure policy as building on customary systems. The convergence does not, however, rest on identical premises. The World Bank, for example, sees the reliance on customary arrangements as a simpler and less conflictual route to the eventual titling, registration, and privatization of land ownership, whereas Oxfam sees the reliance on customary systems as a way to strengthen and democratize local communities, and promote bottom-up grassroots initiatives. (1) Thus, one of the most dramatic changes in land tenure reform today is that, for the first time since the pre-colonial period, states are giving legal recognition to existing African tenure regimes, which are being treated on par with the freehold/leasehold systems. (2) Unregistered customary tenure, which is the main system of land rights in Africa, is being recognized in the new policies. Ironically, at the very time that these gains are being won in the name of the rural poor, the pastoralists, women, and the landless, African women have mounted new movements to eradicate customary land tenure practices and fight for the rights of women to be able to inherit, purchase, and own land in their own name. Feminist lawyers working with these movements have argued that customary law in the present day context has been used to selectively preserve practices that subordinate women. Rather than seeing customary land practices as a basis on which to improve women's access to land, they are advocating for rights-based systems that improve women's ability to buy, own, sell, and obtain titles on land. This paper attempts to account for this apparent contradiction in the case of Uganda, which has gone further than most African countries to devolve land administration to the local level, while at the same time giving rise to one of the most active women's movements challenging customary land tenure practices. …

225 citations