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Andrew Goldsmith

Bio: Andrew Goldsmith is an academic researcher from Flinders University. The author has contributed to research in topics: Cybercrime & Criminal justice. The author has an hindex of 19, co-authored 82 publications receiving 1604 citations. Previous affiliations of Andrew Goldsmith include Monash University & University of Wollongong.


Papers
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the nature of trust in the police in general terms and related to the problem of distrust in governance, and the problematic nature of the trust of the police is considered; structural features as well as performance aspects are invoked to explain distrust of police.
Abstract: Police reform is widely undertaken in developing and post-authoritarian countries. The starting point for analysis of this phenomenon, it is suggested, is the absence of public trust in police that characterizes police-community relations in these countries. Without public trust in police, ‘policing by consent’ is difficult or impossible and public safety suffers. The nature of trust is examined in general terms and related to the problem of trust in governance. Then, the problematic nature of trust of the police is considered; structural features as well as performance aspects are invoked to explain distrust of police. In the penultimate section, the question of how to build trustworthy police forces is examined in the light of what has been learnt about the difficulties of maintaining or establishing trust in police. Process as well as substantive improvements each play a role here. In addition to building trust, ways of institutionalizing distrust are needed. The article concludes by pointing to some i...

340 citations

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226 citations

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TL;DR: The authors suggests that the police culture needs to be approached more positively, as a potential resource in the formulation of rules governing police powers and practices, and suggests that police administrators and police officers participate in negotiated rulemaking, a process similar to collective bargaining, in which police culture perspectives are drawn upon in formulating rules regulating aspects of police practice.
Abstract: ‘Police culture’ tends to be seen negatively, as a contrary and perverse influence upon the ‘proper’ exercise of police discretion. It is seen, quite correctly, as often subversive of the ideals and demands of legality. Yet most modern societies are essentially dependent upon rule‐based forms of police accountability. This paper suggests that the police culture needs to be approached more positively, as a potential resource in the formulation of rules governing police powers and practices. This requires that police administrators and police officers participate in negotiated rulemaking, a process similar to collective bargaining, in which police culture perspectives are drawn upon in formulating rules regulating aspects of police practice.

114 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The emerging literature on international police reform and capacity building tends to adopt a narrow institutionalist and universalistic approach that does not take sufficient account of the politics of police building as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In this paper we begin by defining and examining the concept of police building. Its historical precedents and contemporary forms are briefly reviewed, showing a variety of motives and agendas for this kind of institution building. We argue that police building has been a relatively neglected dimension of nation- and state-building exercises, despite its importance to functions of pacification and restoration of law and order. The emerging literature on international police reform and capacity building tends to adopt a narrow institutionalist and universalistic approach that does not take sufficient account of the politics of police building. This politics is multilayered and varies from the formal to the informal. Using two case studies focusing on events in 2006 in Timor-Leste and Solomon Islands, the reasons for the fragility of many current police-building projects are considered. In both cases, we argue, police capacity builders paid insufficient attention to the political architecture and milieu of public safety.

102 citations

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TL;DR: The authors argues that states should, and must, retain primacy in ensuring public safety, despite and often because of the alternatives to state police, and concludes with a plea for the need for more "grey analysis" in making sense of policing challenges in weak states.
Abstract: This paper confronts the challenge of providing policing services that ensure citizen safety in "weak states" - countries in which police have historically been ineffective and/or repressive in their dealings with ordinary citizens. It looks at endogenous and exogneous factors in weak state environments that deflect police institutions from providing a threshold of public safety. The paper argues that states should, and must, retain primacy in ensuring public safety, despite and often because of the alternatives to state police. It concludes with a plea for the need for more "grey analysis" in making sense of policing challenges in weak states. It is critical of human rights analyses that adopt a Manichean perspective of the challenges.

87 citations


Cited by
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TL;DR: GARLAND, 2001, p. 2, the authors argues that a modernidade tardia, esse distintivo padrão de relações sociais, econômicas e culturais, trouxe consigo um conjunto de riscos, inseguranças, and problemas de controle social that deram uma configuração específica às nossas respostas ao crime, ao garantir os altos custos das
Abstract: Nos últimos trinta trinta anos, houve profundas mudanças na forma como compreendemos o crime e a justiça criminal. O crime tornou-se um evento simbólico, um verdadeiro teste para a ordem social e para as políticas governamentais, um desafio para a sociedade civil, para a democracia e para os direitos humanos. Segundo David Garland, professor da Faculdade de Direito da New York University, um dos principais autores no campo da Sociologia da Punição e com artigo publicado na Revista de Sociologia e Política , número 13, na modernidade tardia houve uma verdadeira obsessão securitária, direcionando as políticas criminais para um maior rigor em relação às penas e maior intolerância com o criminoso. Há trinta anos, nos EUA e na Inglaterra essa tendência era insuspeita. O livro mostra que os dois países compartilham intrigantes similaridades em suas práticas criminais, a despeito da divisão racial, das desigualdades econômicas e da letalidade violenta que marcam fortemente o cenário americano. Segundo David Garland, encontram-se nos dois países os “mesmos tipos de riscos e inseguranças, a mesma percepção a respeito dos problemas de um controle social não-efetivo, as mesmas críticas da justiça criminal tradicional, e as mesmas ansiedades recorrentes sobre mudança e ordem sociais”1 (GARLAND, 2001, p. 2). O argumento principal da obra é o seguinte: a modernidade tardia, esse distintivo padrão de relações sociais, econômicas e culturais, trouxe consigo um conjunto de riscos, inseguranças e problemas de controle social que deram uma configuração específica às nossas respostas ao crime, ao garantir os altos custos das políticas criminais, o grau máximo de duração das penas e a excessivas taxas de encarceramento.

2,183 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a judge in some representative American jurisdiction is assumed to accept the main uncontroversial constitutive and regulative rules of the law in his jurisdiction and to follow earlier decisions of their court or higher courts whose rationale, as l
Abstract: 1.. HARD CASES 5. Legal Rights A. Legislation . . . We might therefore do well to consider how a philosophical judge might develop, in appropriate cases, theories of what legislative purpose and legal principles require. We shall find that he would construct these theories in the same manner as a philosophical referee would construct the character of a game. I have invented, for this purpose, a lawyer of superhuman skill, learning, patience and acumen, whom I shall call Hercules. I suppose that Hercules is a judge in some representative American jurisdiction. I assume that he accepts the main uncontroversial constitutive and regulative rules of the law in his jurisdiction. He accepts, that is, that statutes have the general power to create and extinguish legal rights, and that judges have the general duty to follow earlier decisions of their court or higher courts whose rationale, as l

2,050 citations

01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: In this paper, Meyrowitz shows how changes in media have created new social situations that are no longer shaped by where we are or who is "with" us, making it impossible for us to behave with each other in traditional ways.
Abstract: How have changes in media affected our everyday experience, behavior, and sense of identity? Such questions have generated endless arguments and speculations, but no thinker has addressed the issue with such force and originality as Joshua Meyrowitz in No Sense of Place. Advancing a daring and sophisticated theory, Meyrowitz shows how television and other electronic media have created new social situations that are no longer shaped by where we are or who is "with" us. While other media experts have limited the debate to message content, Meyrowitz focuses on the ways in which changes in media rearrange "who knows what about whom" and "who knows what compared to whom," making it impossible for us to behave with each other in traditional ways. No Sense of Place explains how the electronic landscape has encouraged the development of: -More adultlike children and more childlike adults; -More career-oriented women and more family-oriented men; and -Leaders who try to act more like the "person next door" and real neighbors who want to have a greater say in local, national, and international affairs. The dramatic changes fostered by electronic media, notes Meyrowitz, are neither entirely good nor entirely bad. In some ways, we are returning to older, pre-literate forms of social behavior, becoming "hunters and gatherers of an information age." In other ways, we are rushing forward into a new social world. New media have helped to liberate many people from restrictive, place-defined roles, but the resulting heightened expectations have also led to new social tensions and frustrations. Once taken-for-granted behaviors are now subject to constant debate and negotiation. The book richly explicates the quadruple pun in its title: Changes in media transform how we sense information and how we make sense of our physical and social places in the world.

1,361 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors demonstrate how African rulers hold on to power while severed from foreign aid and subjected to collapsing economies and disappearing bureaucracies, focusing on the examples of Liberia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Zaire.
Abstract: Focusing on the examples of Liberia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Zaire, this text demonstrates how African rulers hold on to power while severed from foreign aid and subjected to collapsing economies and disappearing bureaucracies.

1,045 citations