抗原变异可使得多种致病微生物易于逃避宿主免疫应答。表达在感染红细胞表面的恶性疟原虫红细胞表面蛋白1（PfPMP1）与感染红细胞、内皮细胞、树突状细胞以及胎盘的单个或多个受体作用，在黏附及免疫逃避中起关键的作用。每个单倍体基因组var基因家族编码约60种成员，通过启动转录不同的var基因变异体为抗原变异提供了分子基础。

疟原虫var基因转换速率变化导致抗原变异[英]／Paul H, Robert P, Christodoulou Z, et al//Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A

W. Wilson's (1967) review of the area of subjective well-being (SWB) advanced several conclusions regarding those who report high levels of "happiness". A number of his conclusions have been overturned: youth and modest aspirations no longer are seen as prerequisites of SWB. E. Diener's (1984) review placed greater emphasis on theories that stressed psychological factors. In the current article, the authors review current evidence for Wilson's conclusions and discuss modern theories of SWB that stress dispositional influences, adaptation, goals, and coping strategies. The next steps in the evolution of the field are to comprehend the interaction of psychological factors with life circumstances in producing SWB, to understand the causal pathways leading to happiness, understand the processes underlying adaptation to events, and develop theories that explain why certain variables differentially influence the different components of SWV (life satisfaction, pleasant affect, and unpleasant affect).

Subjective Well-Being: Three Decades of Progress

There is strong evidence that people exploit their bargaining power in competitivemarkets butnot inbilateral bargainingsituations. Thereisalsostrong evidence that people exploit free-riding opportunities in voluntary cooperation games. Yet, when they are given the opportunity to punish free riders, stable cooperation is maintained, although punishment is costly for those who punish. This paper asks whether there is a simple common principle that can explain this puzzling evidence. We show that if some people care about equity the puzzles can be resolved. It turns out that the economic environment determines whether the fair types or the selesh types dominate equilibrium behavior.

/pdf/a-theory-of-fairness-competition-and-cooperation-20ykvpovfq.pdf

A theory of fairness, competition and cooperation

W Wilson's (1967) review of the area of subjective well-being (SWB) advanced several conclusions regarding those who report high levels of "happiness" A number of his conclusions have been overturned: youth and modest aspirations no longer are seen as prerequisites of SWB E Diener's (1984) review placed greater emphasis on theories that stressed psychological factors In the current article, the authors review current evidence for Wilson's conclusions and discuss modern theories of SWB that stress dispositional influences, adaptation, goals, and coping strategies The next steps in the evolution of the field are to comprehend the interaction of psychological factors with life circumstances in producing SWB, to understand the causal pathways leading to happiness, understand the processes underlying adaptation to events, and develop theories that explain why certain variables differentially influence the different components of SWB (life satisfaction, pleasant affect, and unpleasant affect) In 1967, Warner Wilson presented a broad review of subjective well-being (SWB) research entitled, "Correlates of Avowed Happiness" Based on the limited data available at that time, Wilson concluded that the happy person is a "young, healthy, welleducated, well-paid, extroverted, optimistic, worry-free, religious, married person with high self-esteem, job morale, modest aspirations, of either sex and of a wide range of intelligence" (p 294) In the three decades since Wilson's review, investigations into SWB have evolved Although researchers now know a great deal more about the correlates of SWB, they are less interested in simply describing the demographic characteristics that correlate with it Instead, they focus their effort on understanding the processes that underlie happiness This trend represents a greater recognition of the central role played by people's goals, coping efforts, and dispositions In this article, we review research on several major theoretical approaches to well-being and then indicate how these theories clarify the findings on demographic correlates of SWB Throughout the review we suggest four directions that researchers should pursue in the decades ahead These are by no means the only questions left to answer, but we believe they are the most interesting issues left to resolve First, the causal direction of the correlates of happiness must be examined through more sophisticated methodologies Although the causal priority of demographic factors such as marriage and income is intuitively appealing, it is by no means certain Second, researchers must focus greater attention on the interaction between internal factors (such as personality traits) and external circumstances As we shall see, demographic factors have surprisingly small effects on SWB, but these effects may depend on the personalities of those individuals being studied Thus, future research must take Person X Situation interactions into account Third, researchers must strive to understand the processes underlying adaptation Considerable adaptation to both good and bad circumstances often occurs, yet the processes responsible for these effects are poorly understood Research that examines how habituation, coping strategies, and changing goals influence adaptation will shed much light on the processes responsible for SWB Finally, theories must be refined to make specific predictions about how input variables differentially influence the components of SWB In the past, many researchers have treated SWB as a monolithic entity, but it is now clear that there are separable components that exhibit unique patterns of relations with different variables In each section of this article we discuss progress and opportunities in these four areas

/pdf/subjective-well-being-three-decades-of-progress-55l9oy0irc.pdf

Subjective well-being: Three decades of progress

There is strong evidence that people exploit their bargaining power in competitive markets but not in bilateral bargaining situations. There is also strong evidence that people exploit free-riding opportunities in voluntary cooperation games. Yet, when they are given the opportunity to punish free riders, stable cooperation is maintained although punishment is costly for those who punish. This paper asks whether there is a simple common principle that can explain this puzzling evidence. We show that if a fraction of the people exhibits inequality aversion the puzzles can be resolved.

/pdf/a-theory-of-fairness-competition-and-cooperation-445axsa22c.pdf

A Theory of Fairness, Competition and Cooperation

Satisfaction and comparison income

Unhappiness and Unemployment

https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w7487/w7487.pdf

Well-Being Over Time in Britain and the USA

This article uses various micro data sets to study entrepreneurship. Consistent with the existence of capital constraints on potential entrepreneurs, the estimates imply that the probability of self‐employment depends positively upon whether the individual ever received an inheritance or gift. When directly questioned in interview surveys, potential entrepreneurs say that raising capital is their principal problem. Consistent with our theoretical model's predictions, the self‐employed report higher levels of job and life satisfaction than employees. Childhood psychological test scores, however, are not strongly correlated with later self‐employment.

/pdf/what-makes-an-entrepreneur-55xfa4ufr7.pdf

What Makes an Entrepreneur

Modern macroeconomics textbooks rest upon the assumption of a social welfare function defined on inflation, p, and unemployment, U. However, no formal evidence for the existence of such a function has been presented in the literature. Although an optimal policy rule cannot be chosen unless the parameters of the presumed W(p, U) function are known, that has not prevented its use in a large theoretical literature in macroeconomics. This paper has two aims. The first is to show that citizens care about these two variables. We present evidence that inflation and unemployment belong in a well-being function. The second is to calculate the costs of inflation in terms of unemployment. We measure the relative size of the weights attached to these variables in social well-being. Policy implications emerge. Economists have often puzzled over the costs of inflation. Survey evidence presented in Robert J. Shiller (1997) shows that, when asked how they feel about inflation, individuals report a number of unconventional costs, like exploitation, national prestige, and loss of morale. Skeptics wonder. One textbook concludes: “we shall see that standard characterizations of the policy maker’s objective function put more weight on the costs of inflation than is suggested by our understanding of the effects of inflation; in doing so, they probably reflect political realities and the heavy political costs of high inflation” (Blanchard and Fischer, 1989 pp. 567–68). Since reducing inflation is often costly, in terms of extra unemployment, some observers have argued that the industrial democracies’ concern with nominal price stability is excessive—and have urged different monetary policies. This paper proposes a new approach. It examines how survey respondents’ reports of their well-being vary as levels of unemployment and inflation vary. Because the survey responses are available across time and countries, we are able to quantify how self-reported well-being alters with unemployment and inflation rates. Only a few economists have looked at patterns in subjective happiness and life satisfaction. Richard Easterlin (1974) helped to begin the literature. Later contributions include David Morawetz et al. (1977), Robert H. Frank (1985), Ronald Inglehart (1990), Yew-Kwang Ng (1996), Andrew J. Oswald (1997), and Liliana Winkelmann and Rainer Winkelmann (1998). More recently Ng (1997) discusses the measurability of happiness, and Daniel Kahneman et al. (1997) provide an axiomatic defense of experienced utility, and propose applications to economics. Our paper also borders on work in the psychology literature; see, for example, Edward Diener (1984), William Pavot et al. (1991), and David Myers (1993). Section I describes the main data source and the estimation strategy. This relies on a regressionadjusted measure of well-being in a particular year and country—the level not explained by individual personal characteristics. This residual macroeconomic well-being measure is the paper’s focus. * Di Tella: Harvard Business School, Morgan Hall, Soldiers Field, Boston, MA 02163; MacCulloch: STICERD, London School of Economics, London WC2A 2AE, England; Oswald: Department of Economics, University of Warwick, Coventry CV4 7AL, England. For helpful discussions, we thank George Akerlof, Danny Blanchflower, Andrew Clark, Ben Friedman, Duncan Gallie, Sebastian Galiani, Ed Glaeser, Berndt Hayo, Daniel Kahneman, Guillermo Mondino, Steve Nickell, Julio Rotemberg, Hyun Shin, John Whalley, three referees, and seminar participants at Oxford University, Harvard Business School, and the NBER Behavioral Macro Conference in 1998. The third author is grateful to the Leverhulme Trust and the Economic and Social Research Council for research support. 1 See, for example, Olivier Blanchard and Stanley Fischer (1989), Michael Burda and Charles Wyplosz (1993), and Robert E. Hall and John Taylor (1997). Early influential papers include Robert J. Barro and David Gordon (1983). 2 N. Gregory Mankiw (1997) describes the question “How costly is inflation?” as one of the four major unsolved problems of macroeconomics. 3 A recent contribution to this debate in the United States is Paul Krugman’s piece, “Stable Prices and Fast Growth: Just Say No,” The Economist, August 31, 1996.

https://andrewoswald.com/docs/aerfeb2000.pdf

Andrew J. Oswald

Papers

Satisfaction and comparison income

Unhappiness and Unemployment

Well-Being Over Time in Britain and the USA

What Makes an Entrepreneur

Preferences over Inflation and Unemployment: Evidence from Surveys of Happiness