There has been an explosion of interest in the concept of citizenship among political theorists In 1978, it could be confidently stated that "the concept of citizenship has gone out of fashion among political thinkers" (van Gunsteren 1978, p 9) Fifteen years later, citizenship has become the "buzz word" among thinkers on all points of the political spectrum (Heater 1990, p 293; Vogel and Moran 1991, p x) There are a number of reasons for this renewed interest in citizenship in the 1990s At the level of theory, it is a natural evolution in political discourse because the concept of citizenship seems to integrate the demands ofjustice and community membership-the central concepts of political philosophy in the 1970s and 1980s, respectively Citizenship is intimately linked to ideas of individual entitlement on the one hand and of attachment to a particular community on the other Thus it may help clarify what is really at stake in the debate between liberals and communitarians Interest in citizenship has also been sparked by a number of recent political events and trends throughout the world-increasing voter apathy and long-term welfare dependency in the United States, the resurgence of nationalist movements in Eastern Europe, the stresses created by an increasingly multicultural and multiracial population in Western Europe, the backlash against the welfare state in Thatcher's England, the failure of environmental policies that rely on voluntary citizen cooperation, and so forth These events have made clear that the health and stability of a modern democracy depends, not only on the justice of its 'basic structure' but also on the qualities and attitudes of its citizens:' for example,

Return of the Citizen: A Survey of Recent Work on Citizenship Theory

Cities and Citizenship is a prize-winning collection of essays that considers the importance of cities in the making of modern citizens. For most of the modern era the nation and not the city has been the principal domain of citizenship. This volume demonstrates, however, that cities are especially salient sites for examining the current renegotiations of citizenship, democracy, and national belonging.

Just as relations between nations are changing in the current phase of global capitalism, so too are relations between nations and cities. Written by internationally prominent scholars, the essays in Cities and Citizenship propose that “place” remains fundamental to these changes and that cities are crucial places for the development of new alignments of local and global identity. Through case studies from Africa, Europe, Latin America, and North America, the volume shows how cities make manifest national and transnational realignments of citizenship and how they generate new possibilities for democratic politics that transform people as citizens. Previously published as a special issue of Public Culture that won the 1996 Best Single Issue of a Journal Award from the Professional/Scholarly Publishing Division of the Association of American Publishers, the collection showcases a photo essay by Cristiano Mascaro, as well as two new essays by James Holston and Thomas Bender.

Cities and Citizenship will interest students and scholars of anthropology, geography, sociology, planning, and urban studies, as well as globalization and political science.

Contributors . Arjun Appadurai, Etienne Balibar, Thomas Bender, Teresa P. R. Caldeira, Mamadou Diouf, Dilip Parameshwar Gaonkar, James Holston, Marco Jacquemet, Christopher Kamrath, Cristiano Mascaro, Saskia Sassen, Michael Watts, Michel Wieviorka

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Cities and Citizenship

The article discusses some of the major issues which need to be examined in a gendered reading of citizenship. However, its basic claim is that a comparative study of citizenship should consider the issue of women's citizenship not only by contrast to that of men, but also in relation to women's affiliation to dominant or subordinate groups, their ethnicity, origin and urban or rural residence. It should also take into consideration global and transnational positionings of these citizenships. The article challenges the gender-blind and Westocentric character of many of the most hegemonic theorizations of citizenship, focusing in particular on the questions of membership in ‘the community’, group rights and social difference and the ways binaries of public/private and active/passive have been constructed to differentiate between different kinds of citizenships. The article argues that in order to be able to analyse adequately people's citizenship, especially in this era of ethnicization on the one hand and globalization on the other hand, and with the rapid pace at which relationships between states and their civil societies are changing, citizenship should best be analysed as a multi-tiered construct which applies, at the same time to people's membership in sub-, cross- and supra-national collectivities as well as in states.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/1395799.pdf

Women, citizenship and difference

In recent years, analysts have devoted considerable attention to the gender gaps in party identification and voting. Despite its importance, substantially less attention has been concentrated on the gender gap in public opinion. In an effort to remedy that situation, this paper focuses on gender differences and differences among women in political values and basic moral orientations. The findings suggest that feminists are distinctive in their fundamental values; and that feminists account for a large part of the gender gap in specific issue preferences. The implications of such findings for feminist theory are discussed.

Feminists and the Gender Gap

There is currently a diversity of understandings of digital democracy being deployed within popular commentary, research, policy making, and practical initiative. However, there is a lack of resources clearly outlining this diversity; this article undertakes such an outline. It provides a reconstruction of four digital democracy positions. These four positions are referred to here as liberal-individualist, deliberative, counter-publics, and autonomist Marxist. The delineation of each position draws from critical-interpretative research and has been developed with respect to three elements: the democratic subject assumed, the related conception of democracy promoted, and the associated democratic affordances of digital media technology. The aim is to draw attention to different understandings of what extending democracy through digital media means, and to provide a framework for further examination and evaluation of digital democracy rhetoric and practice.

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Re-constructing digital democracy: An outline of four ‘positions’:

In Margaret Atwood's powerful novel The Handmaid's Tale,1 the heroine Offred, a member of a new class of "two legged wombs" in a dystopian society, often thinks to herself, "Context is all." Offred reminds us of an important truth: at each moment of our lives our every thought, value, and act?from the most mundane to the most lofty?takes its meaning and purpose from the wider political and social reality that constitutes and conditions us. In her newly reduced circumstances, Offred comes to see that matters beyond one's immediate purview make a great deal of difference with respect to living a more or less free and fully human life. But her realization comes too late. Unlike Offred, feminists have long recognized as imperative the task of seeking out, defining, and criticizing the complex reality that governs the ways we think, the values we hold, and the relationships we share, especially with regard to gender. If context is all, then feminism in its various guises is committed to uncovering what is all around us and to revealing the power relations that constitute the creatures we become. "The personal is the political" is the credo of this critical practice.

Foundations and ruling class elites.

The American private philanthropic foundation and the public sphere 1890-1930.

Comment l'action philanthropique des fondations et des organisations non-gouvernementales contribue-t-elle au maintien des elites democratiques aux Etats-Unis ? L'A. retrace les conditions qui ont vu l'apparition et le developpement des organisations philanthropiques et des organisations charitables dans ce pays. Il passe en revue les perspectives qui se sont efforcees d'analyser le role et le fonctionnement des elites notamment aux Etats-Unis. Il evoque plus particulierement celle developpee par un groupe de recherche de Chicago : le «Chicago Philanthropy Committee». Il montre que les fondations ont influence de maniere negative les politiques destinees a garantir une plus grande equite raciale et sociale aussi bien en matiere d'education que d'aide sociale. Il envisage le role des intellectuels americains sur le plan du leadership et de l'ideologie. Il souligne que sur le plan conceptuel il convient de distinguer charite et philanthropie

Barry D. Karl

Papers

Foundations and ruling class elites.

The American private philanthropic foundation and the public sphere 1890-1930.

Philanthropy and the Maintenance of Democratic Elites