Bradley R. Schiller

Bio: Bradley R. Schiller is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Southern Democrats & Middle class. The author has an hindex of 1, co-authored 1 publications receiving 2 citations.

The Futility of Class Warfare

Abstract: THE "RACE CARD" was once an effective ploy in electoral politics. Southern Democrats long used it to rally white voters. In the wake of the civil rights movement, the Republicans took possession of the race card. Nixon used it to strike fear in the minds of white voters, helping to transform a solid South into a Republican bastion. That card still gets played on occasion. But with white voters receding into the minority in so many jurisdictions, the race card is increasingly viewed as not just an unfair play, but an inefficient one as well (as Hillary Clinton learned). The preferred ploy of Democrats these days is the "class" card. Democrats have increasingly tried to redefine the "them vs. us" struggle in terms of class rather than color. As they tell the story, economic prosperity is a zero-sum game. Income gains attained by the "rich" come at the expense of the "poor." Corporations bestow lavish compensation on executive insiders while cutting salaries, benefits, and jobs for hard-working Americans. A massive flow of campaign contributions assures that elected officials will protect and serve the rich, while simultaneously cutting holes in the social safety net. Tax cuts for the rich not only fuel conspicuous indulgence among the elite, but diminish spending on health services, school, and the safety of the poor. It all boils down to "them" (the rich) vs. "us" (the poor and middle class). All three candidates for the Democratic party nomination played the class card. John Edwards was the most blatant, enshrining his "Two Americas" vision as the central platform of his campaign. That vision became blurred in the glare of his multi-million dollar mansion and $400 haircuts. Hillary Clinton picked up the Two Americas theme, tirelessly railing against the Bush "tax cut for the rich" while bemoaning the stagnation of the working class. Even though she donned working-class duds and even sipped beer in a tavern, her credibility as the standard-bearer for the middle class was not helped by the revelation that she and Bill had taken in over $100 million in just five years. The "class card" has been passed to Barack Obama. He has used it relentlessly to enlist and energize his supporters. In fact, he has made the Bush tax cuts one of the central contrasts between his and McCain's policy platforms. Ending the Iraq war and reversing the Bush tax cuts, Obama promises, will cure all of America's problems. Republican rebuttals THE REPUBLICAN REBUTTALS to the "tax-cuts for the rich" charge have been anemic. President Bush himself has emphasized that the 2001-03 tax cuts were a timely and much needed stimulus to an economy that was in recession at that time. A "reversal" of those tax cuts would now constitute a tax increase that the macro economy can ill afford. With the economy barely treading water amid vast uncertainty in the financial sector, the weight of a tax increase on aggregate spending could easily plunge the economy into the depths. Even the expectation of a tax increase could put a damper on spending plans, as both Bush and McCain have stressed. Virtually every economist in the land would agree with these macro assessments. Liberals would have preferred more progressive tax cuts--or even increased social spending--as stimulus tools. But there is no question that the Bush tax cuts were stimulative and that ending them would have a contractionary impact on the economy. Unfortunately, the intricacies of macro theory don't resonate with the general public. There is still a tendency to view the tax take-back as a free lunch, paid for by the overindulgent and undeserving rich. So the otherwise compelling macro agreement for leaving the tax cuts in place doesn't win the electoral pr battle. The second Republican rebuttal is equally true but just as anemic. President Bush has argued repeatedly that the 2001-03 tax cuts were proportionately greater for the middle class than the rich. …

Rhetoric, Legislation, and the Felony Offender

Abstract: ....................................................................................................................... ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................................................................. iii DEDICATION ................................................................................................................... iv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................... vii PRELUDE.................................................................................................................... viii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................

Long‐Term Trends in Relative Earnings Mobility

Abstract: Objectives The extent of individual mobility across hierarchical ranks of the income distribution is a critical factor in interpreting the sociopolitical significance of well-documented increases in cross-sectional inequality. The objective of this study is to replicate two earlier investigations of mobility, allowing one to discern trends in mobility rates and patterns. Methods Mobility was measured using data from NLSY79 (where NLSY is National Longitudinal Survey of Youth) for the years 1989–2004. Results Results show that hierarchical (relative) mobility has remained substantial and pervasive from the 1970s through the 1990s for male workers, with no evidence of any attenuation. In view of the increased distance between (absolute) income ranks, this observation is both surprising and reassuring. Conclusion Despite substantial increase in cross-sectional inequality, long-term mobility rates have not changed since the 1960s.