C. P. Scott

Bio: C. P. Scott is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Politics. The author has an hindex of 1, co-authored 1 publications receiving 37 citations.

The political diaries of C. P. Scott, 1911-1928

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Words as Weapons: Propaganda in Britain and Germany During the First World War

Abstract: The thunder of the guns of the first world war was accompanied by another kind of barrage the war of words between the belligerents. Within each embattled nation, words were seen as powerful movers of men and women; they became mobilizers of the national spirit, calls to courage, to sacrifice and, finally, to simple endurance. Long after the killing stopped, men debated the meaning and importance of the verbal conflict. To some participants it had all been like a prep-school prank, an exciting happening, signifying little; others drew from it portentous meaning and a stern lesson. But almost every interested observer realized that something vital about mass communications had changed during the war and the debate centred around the nature of this change. Some saw the journalist as 'an engineer of souls' playing on the 'whole keyboard of human instincts . . . to incite to action', and employing 'a tremendous apparatus the press.' Others felt that 'the most careful experiments and surveys have failed to substantiate the wide claims on behalf of mass media or the fears of critics of mass communication.'2 The first quotation, from Serge Chapotkin, a journalist victim of Nazism, indicates that words are the all-powerful fathers to the deed, and in itself, by its strong wording and condemnatory tone, arouses feelings of fear and anxiety. Interestingly enough, however, the second statement, by Denis McQuail, a professor of sociology, is also emotionally loaded. Its calm scholarly tone implies a scientific attitude, a quiet confidence, indeed, in the ability of rational analysis to measure the persuasive power of words. But the direct connection between word and deed remains elusive. Indeed, the word 'propaganda' itself rings pejoratively

Germanophilism in Britain : non-governmental elites and the limits to Anglo-German antagonism, 1905-1914

Abstract: This thesis examines the limits to Anglo-German antagonism and the sources of rapprochement between Britain and Germany, during the approximate period 1905-1914. It thus explores Anglo-German relations before the First World War from a perspective which has up to now been largely neglected, and serves as a corrective to the emphasis on the sources of antagonism which prevails in the English-language historical literature. The study probes Germanophilism among British non-governmental elites, focusing on the commercial, financial and academic communities, as well as cooperative links between the two countries at the non-governmental level before the war. The topics examined include the Anglo-German friendship movement in Britain, ties between British and German commercial interests and Anglo-German economic interdependence, and Anglo-German links in education. The thesis also studies attitudes, including a discussion of British stereotypical images of Germany based on travel accounts. British textbooks on German history that were published before the war are analysed as well as a means of assessing the prewar attitude of British academics, in particular historians, towards Germany. This investigation reveals the strength of the idea of Anglo-German racial kinship, and demonstrates that British historians tended to view Germany favourably before the war. Their attitude, however, changed after the outbreak of hostilities in August 1914. In conclusion, the thesis reappraises the ultimate failure of the 'pro-German' forces in Britain to prevent the outbreak of Anglo-German hostilities in 1914. Its primary aim, nevertheless, is not to argue that the limits to the Anglo-German antagonism could have prevented the First World War, but to demonstrate that they existed and were important.

The Progressive Movement in England

Abstract: On the centenary of the birth of C. P. Scott, the political outlook of the Manchester Guardian under his editorship was explained thus: ‘He, and those who wrote under him, thought always in terms of what he called “the progressive movement”. What was important was that those who were agreed on reforming measures should work together to secure them’. In its use of the rather imprecise label ‘progressive’, in its conception of a reform movement wider than strict party boundaries, in its distinctive flowering in the press—in all these respects the progressive movement of early twentieth-century America gives us some notion of what Scott had in mind. And indeed American historiography can, I believe, suggest valuable lines of analysis which have not been fully applied in England. Perhaps the most obvious would entail giving closer attention to the intellectuals and publicists and asking more searching questions about their role in politics. A few years ago the late Charles Mowat pointed to the broadly similar problems in social policy which Britain and the United States faced at this time; and he commented on how, despite these similarities, the history of social reform in the United States had been written with due attention to the history of ideas: in Britain, by contrast, almost exclusively in terms of political and administrative history. It would not, perhaps, be fair to extend Mowat's observation by saying that in England we purposely write history with the ideas left out.

July Crisis: The World's Descent into War, Summer 1914

Abstract: Introduction 1. Prelude: the road to Sarajevo 2. Sarajevo and its echoes: 28 June to 5 July 3. The triumph of tactics over strategy: 6 to 21 July 4. Localizing the crisis: 19 to 23 July 5. The ultimatum: 23 to 26 July 6. Localizing the war: 26 to 28 July 7. Escalation: 29 July to 4 August Conclusion.

The French Colonial Party and French Colonial War Aims, 1914–1918*

Abstract: For the first two years of the war the French government drew up no programme of its war aims. When the cabinet began to consider its aims in Europe during the summer of 1916, it still avoided serious discussion of war aims overseas. Faced with the overwhelming preoccupations of the Western Front, the government paid little heed to the future of the Empire. Such war aims as France possessed outside Europe by the time of the armistice were arrived at in two ways: first, by ad hoc agreenebts with her allies in the Middle East and in West Africa, agreements forced on the government by the course of the war; secondly, by a commission d'etude established in 1918 to prepare for the peace conference, a commission from which ministers were excluded. The colonial war aims that emerged in these two separate ways were the product not of the French cabinet but of the parti colonial and its sympathizers within the foreign and colonial ministries.