Cardell K. Jacobson
Bio: Cardell K. Jacobson is an academic researcher from Brigham Young University. The author has contributed to research in topics: Ethnic group & Religiosity. The author has an hindex of 17, co-authored 37 publications receiving 1135 citations.
TL;DR: This paper examined the effect of self-interest, new symbolic racism, and old-fashioned racism on attitudes about affirmative action programs in a national survey conducted in the late fall of 1978 by Louis Harris and Associates for the National Conference of Christians and Jews.
Abstract: Despite the decade-long debate in the media and in the social science literature over affirmative action programs, relatively little information has appeared about attitudes toward these programs. In this article racial threat or self-interest, new symbolic racism, and old-fashioned racism are examined as predictors of attitudes about affirmative action programs. The data are from a national survey conducted in the late fall of 1978 by Louis Harris and Associates for the National Conference of Christians and Jews. Self-interest, new symbolic racism, and old-fashioned racism are all found to be related to attitudes about affirmative action programs and remain so when a variety of control variables are included in the regression analyses. The new racism scale was clearly the best predictor of attitudes about affirmative action programs but is shown to have many underpinnings from traditional sources of racism. Possible reasons for the effect of self-interest on attitudes about affirmative action programs th...
TL;DR: The authors examined changes in intended childlessness over the past several decades using the National Survey of Families and Households to examine trends in intentions to remain childless, using both demographic and ideational variables in the analysis.
Abstract: Numerous researchers have examined the incidence, correlates, and predictors of childlessness. Few, however, have examined changes in intended childlessness because the longitudinal data required to track these changes are rare. We utilize the National Survey of Families and Households to examine trends in intentions to remain childless. We include both demographic and ideational variables in the analysis, and we focus on respondents between the ages of 19 and 39 years who had not had children at the beginning of the study. The largest group wants children but still postpone childbearing. The next largest group carries out their intention to have children. The third largest group switches from wanting children to not wanting children. Some are consistently childless in both surveys. Finally, a relatively small group did not intend to have a child in the first survey but subsequently had a child. Marital status is the most salient predictor for having children, but cohabitors also are more likely to have children than are single noncohabitors. Rates of childlessness in the United States have varied substantially over the past several decades. Morgan (1991), for example, reports that census data show slightly over 15% of White women born in the mid-1880s remained childless. This childless rate increased to over 25% of women born in 1910 who reached normal childbearing age during the Depression. The percentage then dropped dramatically to about 10% of White women born in 1935 who reached childbearing age during the baby boom. Since then, the rate has increased again, with a projected childless rate of 22% for women born in 1962 (Morgan & Chen, 1992). Non-White women experienced a similar increase in childlessness during the Depression and a similar decline during the baby boom, but they have not participated in the post-baby boom rise in childlessness to the extent that White women have (Chen & Morgan, 1991.) These fluctuations indicate that potential parents do respond to economic and social conditions, even when modern and efficient contraception is not available. (See also May, 1995, and Friedman, Hechter, & Kanazawa, 1994.) Because demographers have been concerned with population growth arising from high fertility, their explanations for why people have children are designed to explain fertility decline. Such theories provide incomplete explanations for fertility decline during demographic transition (Mason, 1997) and are even less satisfactory in accounting for the persistence of childbearing in highly developed societies (Schoen, Young, Nathanson, Fields, & Astone, 1997). New approaches to understanding why people continue to have children have been suggested (Axinn & Thornton, 1996; Friedman et al., 1994; Rovi; 1994). Given recent increases in childlessness, these new approaches also should be able to account for the decision not to have children. We examine factors related to persistence and change in decisions to remain childless. The general trends in childlessness that we have noted combine both the infertile (or involuntarily childless) and the voluntarily childless. Though such trends reflect and affect the overall structure and composition of society, the rate of involuntary childlessness has declined as a result of better health and a general decrease in sterility caused by sexually transmitted diseases. Voluntary childlessness, on the other hand, reflects the choices of potential parents and has varied substantially by period and cohort. By all accounts, voluntary childlessness has increased in recent decades. We develop and test a model of persistence and change in voluntary childlessness. EXPLANATIONS FOR VOLUNTARY CHILDLESSNESS Prevailing theories of voluntary childlessness have tended to emphasize either a rational choice approach, focusing on the costs and benefits of having children, or ideational approaches, focusing more on values and norms. …
TL;DR: This article analyzed whites' approval of interracial marriage by examining the contexts in which whites have contact with blacks, from close and personal to distant or hierarchical, and found that the type of contact engendered by a variety of contexts is important in determining attitudes toward interracial marriages.
Abstract: Using data from a New York Times poll conducted in 2000, we analyze whites' approval of interracial marriage by examining the contexts in which whites have contact with blacks. The contexts can be ordered by the type of contact they provide, from close and personal to distant or hierarchical. The results of our analysis show that the type of contact engendered by a variety of contexts is important in determining attitudes toward interracial marriage. The contacts in most of the social settings are associated with friendship; the contexts are related to approval of interracial marriage even when friendship, age, gender, income, political party, and region are included in the analysis.
TL;DR: The authors use the notion of White racial framing to move outside of the traditional arguments for or against transracial adoption to instead explore how a close analysis of the adoptive parents’ racial instructions may serve as a learning tool to foster more democratic and inclusive forms of family and community.
Abstract: In this article, the authors examine White parents’ endeavors toward the racial enculturation and inculcation of their transracially adopted Black children. Drawing on in-depth interviews, the authors identify and analyze themes across the specific race socialization strategies and practices White adoptive parents used to help their adopted Black children to develop a positive racial identity and learn how to effectively cope with issues of race and racism. The central aim of this article is to examine how these lessons about race help to connect family members to U.S. society’s existing racial hierarchy and how these associations position individuals to help perpetuate or challenge the deeply embedded and historical structures of White supremacy. The authors use the notion of White racial framing to move outside of the traditional arguments for or against transracial adoption to instead explore how a close analysis of the adoptive parents’ racial instructions may serve as a learning tool to foster more democratic and inclusive forms of family and community.
TL;DR: In this paper, Gordon's theory of assimilation subprocesses is used to describe the models of Assimilation as described in this paper. But it is not a complete overview of the entire history of the United States.
Abstract: All chapters conclude with "Discussion Questions," "Key Ideas," "Key Terms," and "Notes." 1. Natives and Newcomers. An Overview of Assimilation in America. Development of Assimilation Theory. Race and Ethnicity: A Conceptual Note. 2. Together or Apart? Some Competing Views. Subprocesses of Assimilation. Gordon's Theory of Assimilation Subprocesses. Three Ideologies of Assimilation. Two Anti-Assimilationist Ideologies: Separatism and Secessionism. The Models of Assimilation as Descriptions. 3. The Rise of Anglo American Society. The English Legacy. Indian-English Relations. Servants and Slaves. The Colonial Irish. The Colonial Germans. The Revolutionary Period. 4. The Golden Door. The First Great Immigrant Stream. Changing Patterns of Immigration. The Second Great Immigrant Stream. The Third Great Immigrant Stream. 5. Nativism and Racism. Nativism. Scientific Racism. Immigration Restriction. Contemporary Racism. 6. Japanese Americans. Japanese Immigration and Native Reactions. The Japanese Family and Community in America. War, Evacuation, and Relocation. Japanese American Assimilation. Japanese American "Success." 7. Mexican Americans: From Colonized Minority to Political Activists. The Colonial Model. The Immigrant Model. Mexican Immigration and Native Reaction. 8. Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans: Identity and Incorporation. Identification and Diversity. The Colonization of Puerto Rico. Cultural Assimilation: English and Spanish. Mexican American and Puerto Rican "Success." 9. African Americans: From Slavery to Segregation. The Period of Slavery. Immigrant or Colonized Minority? Emancipation and Reconstruction. The Restoration of White Supremacy. Migration and Urbanization. The Civil Rights Movement. 10. African Americans: Protest and Social Change. The Rise of Direct Action. Renewed Visibility of Black-White Conflict. African American Assimilation. African American "Success." 11. Native Americans: The First Americans. The English Penetration of the Continent. Anglo American-Indian Policies. Indian Removal. Plains Wars and Reservations. From Separatism to Anglo Conformity. Cycling between Anglo Conformity and Cultural Pluralism. Pan-Indian Responses and Initiatives. Immigrant or Colonized Minority? 12. Native Americans: A Struggle to Maintain Political and Cultural Pluralism. Cultural Assimilation. Secondary Structural Assimilation. Primary Structural Assimilation. Marital Assimilation. Other Forms of Assimilation. American Indian "Success." 13. The New Immigration. Changes in the Laws and the Immigrant Stream. The Vietnamese. Resurgent Racism and Nativism. 14. Reducing Prejudice and Discrimination. Theory and Practice. The Educational Approach. The Legal Approach. Political Participation. 15. The Future of Ethnicity. Further Reflections on Assimilation and Ethnicity. Consequences of Colonization and Immigration: An Alternative View. Some Applications of the Alternative View. Some Tentative Conclusions about Racial and Ethnic Relations in the United States. The Future of Ethnicity in the United States. Across National Boundaries. Appendix. References. Name Index. Subject Index.
TL;DR: Reading a book as this basics of qualitative research grounded theory procedures and techniques and other references can enrich your life quality.
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TL;DR: In their new Introduction, the authors relate the argument of their book both to the current realities of American society and to the growing debate about the country's future as mentioned in this paper, which is a new immediacy.
Abstract: Meanwhile, the authors' antidote to the American sicknessa quest for democratic community that draws on our diverse civic and religious traditionshas contributed to a vigorous scholarly and popular debate. Attention has been focused on forms of social organization, be it civil society, democratic communitarianism, or associative democracy, that can humanize the market and the administrative state. In their new Introduction the authors relate the argument of their book both to the current realities of American society and to the growing debate about the country's future. With this new edition one of the most influential books of recent times takes on a new immediacy.\
01 Jan 1995
01 Jan 1992
TL;DR: The body politics of Julia Kristeva and the Body Politics of JuliaKristeva as discussed by the authors are discussed in detail in Section 5.1.1 and Section 6.2.1.
Abstract: Preface (1999) Preface (1990) 1. Subjects of Sex/Gender/Desire I. 'Women' as the Subject of Feminism II. The Compulsory Order of Sex/Gender/Desire III. Gender: The Circular Ruins of Contemporary Debate IV. Theorizing the Binary, the Unitary and Beyond V. Identity, Sex and the Metaphysics of Substance VI. Language, Power and the Strategies of Displacement 2. Prohibition, Psychoanalysis, and the Production of the Heterosexual Matrix I. Structuralism's Critical Exchange II. Lacan, Riviere, and the Strategies of Masquerade III. Freud and the Melancholia of Gender IV. Gender Complexity and the Limits of Identification V. Reformulating Prohibition as Power 3. Subversive Bodily Acts I. The Body Politics of Julia Kristeva II. Foucault, Herculine, and the Politics of Sexual Discontinuity III. Monique Wittig - Bodily Disintegration and Fictive Sex IV. Bodily Inscriptions, Performative Subversions Conclusion - From Parody to Politics