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Clara Portela

Bio: Clara Portela is an academic researcher from Singapore Management University. The author has contributed to research in topics: Sanctions & European union. The author has an hindex of 13, co-authored 55 publications receiving 575 citations. Previous affiliations of Clara Portela include University of Valencia & University of St. Gallen.


Papers
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Book
18 Aug 2010
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine sanctions as a political tool of influence and evaluate the efficacy of sanctions imposed by the EU against third countries and their ability to bring about the desired outcome.
Abstract: Winner of the THESEUS promising award for Research on European Integration 2011. Sanctions are an important tool within the foreign policy of the European Union, which have until now remained obscure to both scholars and the general public. This book examines sanctions as a political tool of influence and evaluates the efficacy of sanctions imposed by the EU against third countries and their ability to bring about the desired outcome. While the principal sanctions activity of the EU takes place under the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the author also considers the suspension of development aid under the ACP-EU Partnership Agreement, the withdrawal of trade privileges under the Generalized System of Preferences and other sanctions outside these frameworks. Reviewing the sanctions practice of the EU in its virtual entirety, Portela assesses the relevance of classical sanctions theory by testing a series of hypotheses with empirical case-studies attempting to identify the determinants of success of EU sanctions. Enhancing our understanding of the EU's international role, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of international politics, security studies, EU studies, human rights and democracy, conflict management, IPE and development studies.

125 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigated the relationship between the European Union's withdrawal of trade benefits for developing countries under the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) and its sanctions under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP).
Abstract: This article investigates the relationship between the European Union's withdrawal of trade benefits for developing countries under the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) and its sanctions under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Our expectation is that GSP withdrawals and CFSP sanctions will not cohere. However, our research reveals that GSP suspension has been coherent with CFSP sanctions when the latter exist prior to the decision-making process on GSP sanctions and when the International Labour Organisation has set up a Commission of Inquiry condemning the country, as with Myanmar/Burma and Belarus. The presence of separate institutional frameworks explains the GSP suspension towards Sri Lanka in the absence of CFSP sanctions.

47 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors examines the character of the European Union (EU) as a polity by looking at the mechanisms it employs to ensure the coherence of its foreign policies and concludes that the organisation of EU foreign policies combines elements from different polity types.
Abstract: The present article examines the character of the European Union (EU) as a polity by looking at the mechanisms it employs to ensure the coherence of its foreign policies. It first contrasts three ideal polity types. The methods chosen to ensure coherence in foreign policy actions differ according to each of the three polity types. The article then explores how the EU ensures coherence through institutional reform, and subsequently looks in detail at two illustrative policy fields: aid sanctions and civilian crisis-management. The investigation concludes that the organisation of EU foreign policies combines elements from different polity types.

37 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Sep 2005
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore whether the EU behaves differently as a sanctioning actor towards its geographic vicinity than to regions further afield, and identify a pattern of geographic differentiation: Eastern Europe has been targeted for the widest variety of reasons, while in the Southern Mediterranean the only focus has been on terrorism.
Abstract: This article explores whether the EU behaves differently as a sanctioning actor towards its geographic vicinity than to regions further afield. It looks at the security relevance of the objectives advanced by sanctions, as well as the interplay between objectives and the geographic proximity of the targets to the EU in its autonomous sanctions practice (1987-2003). It identifies a pattern of geographic differentiation: Eastern Europe has been targeted for the widest variety of reasons, while in the Southern Mediterranean the only focus has been on terrorism. In Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa most sanctions have been geared towards the promotion of democracy and Human Rights.

36 citations

Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: The European Council adopted its first draft Strategy against the proliferation of WMDs at the Thessaloniki summit June 2003 as discussed by the authors, and the Strategy has been evaluated and evaluated in the field.
Abstract: Over the past few years the EU has begun taking some steps against the spread of nuclear weapons within its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). At the Thessaloniki Summit June 2003, the European Council adopted its first draft Strategy against the proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). In order to assess the significance of the Strategy, this paper will first present and evaluate the Union’s record in the field, then review the newly released Strategy, and finally make suggestions as to how it can be improved. The EU is not an unitary actor in the nuclear non-proliferation domain, being mainly constrained by the diversity of positions of its members as regards nuclear weapons on the one hand and the transatlantic link on the other. The EU notably includes eleven NATO members comprising two NWS and four countries that host Alliance’s nuclear weapons, along with four highly disarmament-minded countries. One of the strands of EU action has consisted in taking initiatives aimed at strengthening the existing regime at multilateral forums. They have been geared predominantly to the universalisation of treaties and the multilateralisation of arrangements. Examples include the promotion of the indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the entry into force of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the adoption of a Code of Conduct on ballistic missile proliferation. In general, the EU performs increasingly well at multilateral venues, which offer a favourable framework for internal coordination. The effectiveness of the Union’s action remains limited, though. Insufficient means to accomplish the stated objectives account for that. Furthermore, this policy remains selective in nature, addressing some issues while sidelining others. Important omissions, which often illustrate EU reluctance to oppose the US over nuclear issues, are exemplified by the European silence on the NMD question or the weakening of the US-Russian strategic arms reduction process. Another significant strand of action consists of the Union’s approaches to regional proliferation crises. In this domain, the EU has a fairly uneven and predominantly negative record. It is significantly involved in nuclear-related assistance programmes to Russia in the form of Co-operative Threat Reduction (CTR) efforts. Additionally, the Union contributed to facilitate Ukraine’s renunciation of nuclear weapons through the ratification of the Lisbon Protocol. It has also participated in KEDO while upgrading its diplomatic role in the Korean peace process. Most recently, the European input has proved central in handling the crisis over Iran’s lack of compliance with IAEA requirements. However, the EU has had difficulties in framing responses to some of the most acute proliferation crises of the past few years. The example of Iraq serves a recent illustration of intra-European disagreement on how to tackle proliferation. The reaction to the Indian/ Pakistani nuclear tests in May 1998 was hardly noticeable. In general, the EU’s approach to avert proliferation is characterised by a tendency to take a comprehensive approach to reducing regional tensions and, in most cases, to follow US-crafted responses. II Despite the enhancement of its action during the last decade, the EU is still ineffective as a non-proliferation actor. The Union’s selective approach has privileged non-proliferation over disarmament, and even within the non-proliferation realm, it has emphasised some issues and regions to the detriment of others. The virtual absence of policies directly focused on addressing proliferation constitutes a further difficulty. Finally, the EU does not yet make an effective and concerted use of the means at its disposal. Against this record, the newly released Strategy against the proliferation of WMD reaffirms the traditional features of the Union’s role, while correcting some of its most obvious deficiencies. Broadly speaking, the Union will be guided by the following primary objectives: the universalisation of disarmament and non-proliferation agreements; the enhancement of the effectiveness of inspection/verification mechanisms, especially by improving the detectability of violations; the strengthening of export control policies and the expansion of CTR and technical assistance programmes. The initiatives presented in the Action Plan include some institutional measures designed to upgrade the capacity of action of the Union, the strengthening of EU internal legislation and a few proposals for EU external action. On the whole, the Strategy’s principal emphasis is placed on enhancing the effectiveness of the existing regimes rather than in launching new steps to expand the nonproliferation agenda. At the level of means, the Union first reaffirms its current policy, i.e. “to contain proliferation while dealing with its underlying causes”. The principal novelty is that the Strategy also introduces new instruments. It envisages the introduction of a policy of “sticks and carrots” that links non-proliferation commitments to co-operation agreements or assistance programmes into the EU ’s relations with third countries. Political and economic levers are included in the list of instruments the Union can avail itself of. Finally, the strategy also foresees the use of force as a measure of last resort, which constitutes an absolute breakthrough. The Strategy offers some potential for the EU to make a relevant contribution to the non-proliferation regime, especially since it has framed some answers as to how deal with non-cooperative states. In order to realise this potential, it is suggested that the Union considers a series of issues in the further development of the strategy. Firstly, it should ensure that non-proliferation objectives are adequately mainstreamed into the Union’s external relations. To this end, it should concretise the proposed “sticks and carrots” model into a clear conditionality framework with a Non-Proliferation Clause analogous to the Human rights clauses already applied by the Community in its relations with Third Countries. Secondly, the EU should further enhance its capacity to act by putting in place an “internal think tank” to craft further non-proliferation initiatives. As far as possible, it should find a satisfactory “division of labour” with the US in the resolution of proliferation crises, complementing US initiatives with other means rather than merely endorsing them financially. III Finally, it should also try to adopt a balanced approach capable of engaging the non- Western as well as the Western world. This includes facilitating the access of Third World countries to civilian nuclear technology, clearly linking forcible counter-proliferation action to an UN Security Council mandate, and, most importantly, introducing disarmament measures into the Strategy.

31 citations


Cited by
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a new global dataset on sanctions from 1990 to 2011, the results of a fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) provide new insights for the research on sanctions and on authoritarian regimes.
Abstract: International sanctions are one of the most commonly used tools to instigate democratisation in the post-Cold War era. However, despite long-term sanction pressure by the European Union, the United States and/or the United Nations, non-democratic rule has proven to be extremely persistent. Which domestic and international factors account for the regimes' ability to resist external pressure? Based on a new global dataset on sanctions from 1990 to 2011, the results of a fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) provide new insights for the research on sanctions and on authoritarian regimes. Most signifi- cantly, sanctions strengthen authoritarian rule if the regime manages to incorporate their existence into its legitimation strategy. Such an unintended 'rally-round-the-flag' effect occurs where sanctions are imposed on regimes that possess strong claims to legitimacy and have only limited economic and societal linkages to the sender of sanctions.

116 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Countries which imposed economic sanctions against Iran have violated Iranians’ right to health and decisions makers should advice an international order to prevent such impacts on targeted countries’ populations.
Abstract: Background Over the years, economic sanctions have contributed to violation of right to health in target countries. Iran has been under comprehensive unilateral economic sanctions by groups of countries (not United Nations [UN]) in recent years. They have been intensified from 2012 because of international community’s uncertainty about peaceful purpose of Iran’s nuclear program and inadequacy of trust-building actions of this country. This review aimed to identify the humanitarian effects of the sanctions on the right of Iranians to health and the obligations of Iran and international community about it. Methods To assess economic sanction policies and identify violated rights and the obligations of states according to international human rights laws, in this study, Human Rights Impact Assessments (HRIA) tool is used. Applying this tool requires collection of evidences regarding the situation of rights. To provide such evidence, a systematic review of literature which involved 55 papers retrieved from the web-based databases and official webpages of Iran’s government and UN’ health and human rights committees and organizations was done. All articles about the consequences of economic sanctions related to nuclear activities of Iran on welfare and health of Iranians published from January 2012 till February 2017 in English and Persian languages were included. Search terms were economic sanctions, embargoes, Iran, welfare, health and medicine. Additional studies were identified by cross checking the reference lists of accessed articles. All selected papers were abstracted and entered into a matrix describing study design and findings, and categorized into a framework of themes reflecting the areas covered (health and its determinants). According to HRIA framework, related obligations of Iran and other states about adverse effects of the sanctions on Iranians’ right to health were extracted. Results The sanctions on Iran caused a fall of country’s revenues, devaluation of national currency, and increase of inflation and unemployment. These all resulted in deterioration of people’s overall welfare and lowering their ability to access the necessities of a standard life such as nutritious food, healthcare and medicine. Also, the sanctions on banking, financial system and shipment led to scarcity of quality lifesaving medicines. The impacts of sanctions were more immense on the lives of the poor, patients, women and children. Humanitarian exemptions did not protect Iranians from the adverse effects of sanctions. Conclusion Countries which imposed economic sanctions against Iran have violated Iranians’ right to health. International community should have predicted any probable humanitarian effects of sanctions and used any necessary means to prevent it. Furthermore, Iran should have used any essential means to protect people from the adverse effects of sanctions. Now, they should work on alleviation of the negative effects of sanctions. Even though, some of the effects such as disability and death cannot be compensated. In future, before imposition of sanctions, decisions makers should advice an international order to prevent such impacts on targeted countries’ populations

87 citations

Dissertation
13 Sep 2018
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a model of the cooperation in Arctique, a region of the world with a unique structure unique mettant en avant une action multiniveaux and multi-acteurs en gardant un equilibre entre hard law and soft law.
Abstract: L’interet pour l’Arctique s’est developpe a travers l’environnement et les changements climatiques, avec avant tout la question du rechauffement climatique, qui bouleversent grandement cette region. Ces evolutions amenent aussi bien de nombreuses menaces que des opportunites importantes, qui demandent toutes une cooperation approfondie pour y repondre. La protection de l’environnement, l’acces et la gestion des ressources (naturelles, energetiques, halieutiques, etc.), l’utilisation des routes maritimes, la delimitation des limites maritimes et limites exterieures du plateau continental, le respect des droits de l’homme et des droits des peuples autochtones, l’aspect strategique et militaire sont des exemples des nombreux enjeux qui existent en Arctique. La cooperation arctique, qui se structure de maniere plus prononcee depuis la fin de la Guerre froide, se trouve devant des defis importants qui demandent son approfondissement. Tous ces enjeux depassent la seule cooperation entre les Etats arctiques, d’autant plus que les consequences et les interets presents sont mondiaux. A la multitude de domaines de cooperation s’ajoute donc une congruence d’acteurs, arctiques et non-arctiques avec, de maniere classique, les organisations internationales, les organisations non-gouvernementales et les multinationales, mais egalement les regions, les organisations interparlementaires, les peuples autochtones ou encore les associations scientifiques. La complexite de la situation se traduit au niveau de la cooperation, qui fait face aux tensions aussi bien entre les acteurs arctiques qu’entre les acteurs arctiques et non-arctiques. Deux processus contradictoires semblent donc structurer la cooperation avec d’une part une regionalisation et d’autre part une internationalisation. La cooperation entre les acteurs arctiques se bâtit ainsi autour de nombreuses institutions internationales dont la structure et le role sont voues a evoluer, avec comme institution centrale le Conseil de l’Arctique, tout en se fondant sur des cooperations internationales globales, avec comme instrument essentiel la Convention sur le droit de la mer de 1982. La cooperation arctique semble constituer un modele interessant reposant sur une flexibilite qui doit permettre une adaptation, d’autant plus importante dans une region exposee a des evolutions rapides. Elle utilise une structure unique mettant en avant une action multiniveaux et multi-acteurs en gardant un equilibre entre hard law et soft law. Si la cooperation arctique structure une veritable region arctique avec une importance grandissante sur l’arene internationale, les liens entre le monde et cette region restent incertains. L’ouverture aux acteurs extra-arctiques est necessaire, mais fait face a la reticence de certains acteurs arctiques. L’Arctique se pose comme un nouvel objet des relations internationales et peut meme en devenir un acteur, mais doit repondre aux dangers qui peuvent exister pour la cooperation dans cette region, dangers qui semblent avant tout venir de causes exogenes. La cooperation arctique necessite donc une analyse approfondie des enjeux qu’elle presente ainsi que des contradictions et paradoxes qui semblent y exister. Cette these vise ainsi a etudier la cooperation arctique en mettant en exergue ses mecanismes et specificites tout en analysant les relations qu’elle peut entretenir avec les acteurs extra-arctiques et la maniere dont elle s’integre dans les relations internationales.

86 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyse the ability of outsiders in the margins of Europe to have a constitutive impact on the nature of the EU's policies, its borders and not least its identity and perception of its security environment.

72 citations