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Curie Maharani

Bio: Curie Maharani is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Offset (computer science) & Revolution in Military Affairs. The author has an hindex of 1, co-authored 3 publications receiving 5 citations.

Papers
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the twenty-first century, Militaries have been transformed by the need to respond to new, emerging, asymmetrical threats arising anywhere across the globe, a shift that is captured under the umbrella term of the "Revolution in Military Affairs" (RMA) as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Life was straightforward during the Cold War. There were the big guys in the bi-polar strategic stand-off—the United States and the Soviet Union—and there were the little guys: the Eastern European countries, such as Poland, Hungary, and Yugoslavia; Chile in Latin America; Spain in Southern Europe; Sweden in Scandinavia; Israel in the Middle East; and Singapore in the Far East. All these countries, big or small, capitalist or communist, possessed comprehensive and diversified defense industrial bases. However, times have changed, and in some senses they have changed dramatically. More than anything else, economics does not favor small countries. Previously, Cold War doctrine was premised on mass formations of artillery, main battle groups of tanks and combat aircraft located on the Central European front. In the twenty-first century, these formations have disappeared. Militaries have been transformed by the need to respond to new, emerging, asymmetrical threats arising anywhere across the globe, a shift that is captured under the umbrella term of the “Revolution in Military Affairs” (RMA). Contemporary doctrine focuses on high-intensity warfare, characterized by sophisticated defense systems, such as telemetry and cruise missiles, fiber optic technologies, sensors, modern telecommunication systems, “stealth” coatings of modern weapon platforms, light-weight composite materials, and the miniaturization of technologies in, for instance, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). Under this new RMA-driven doctrine, there is an emphasis on heavy-lift aircraft, such as Europe’s A400M and the US’s C-17, to rapidly respond to “hot” wars across the world. UAVs have been deployed on reconnaissance, surveillance, and intelligence duties, often acting as “shooters.” Just as important, laser-guided precision munitions delivered by computer-programmed cruise missiles have proved highly effective in minimizing collateral damage, removing entirely the danger of losing aircraft crews. This “Revolution in Military Affairs,” then, has transformed the architecture of battlefield weapon systems, representing a networked systems-of-systems model, linking simultaneously a networked family of space-based satellites, land-based weapons systems, and global communications systems. The RMA—or transformational warfare, as it is now often called—is a contentious subject, because it intellectualizes whether these dramatic changes in doctrine and technology represent discontinuous developments in military technology or whether

3 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article , the authors examined the performance of Indonesia's informal offset policy over the period 1976-2014, which was framed by reference to what Indonesia's former Minister of Technology, Dr Habibie, described as the Progressive Manufacturing Plan.
Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to examine the performance of Indonesia’s informal offset policy over the period 1976-2014. The paper offers four original academic perspectives: firstly, it is framed by reference to what Indonesia’s former Minister of Technology, Dr Habibie, described as the Progressive Manufacturing Plan, a novel approach in which offset was intended to play a critical supportive role in the systematic development of strategic civil-military industries; secondly, the analysis is structured into three distinctive ‘development-survival-revival’ industrialisation stages that impacted on the performance of both offset and the broader defence economy; thirdly, the study is uniquely different in the sense that the offset case studies all occurred in an era absent of a formal offset policy regime; and lastly, the study provides a wealth of rich data in a subject field well-known for its sensitivity, if not secrecy, and thus is characterised by a paucity of empirical evaluation.

2 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
09 Aug 2022
TL;DR: In this article , the authors examined how Pro-IS terrorists exploit loopholes in border and immigration control to join IS abroad and the shortcoming in Indonesian government strategy to counter their mobility, and found that Indonesia needs improvement in human resources, law enforcement, immigration management, border control, as well as cross-border cooperation.
Abstract: Transnational terrorism has been a worldwide challenge, especially after the declaration of Islamic State (IS) that was based in Syria and Iraq in 2014. By 2017, most foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) from Southeast Asia were Indonesian nationals, of almost 700 individuals. The actual number might be higher as some departed to Syria and other destination countries, like Afghanistan, the Philippines, and India, undetected. The research aimed to examine how Pro-IS terrorists exploit loopholes in border and immigration control to join IS abroad and the shortcoming in Indonesian government strategy to counter their mobility. The novelty of the research rested on its use of Supreme Court’s record of 38 Pro-IS deportees to build a dataset of their profile and travel history from 2016 to 2020. Profile of individual deportee was categorized into demography, affiliation, and funding. Travel history was mapped in accordance with the point of departure in Indonesia, transit country, final destination, and location where the arrest took place- which then led to deportation. The research finds that Indonesia needs improvement in human resources, law enforcement, immigration management, border control, as well as cross-border cooperation.

1 citations


Cited by
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Dissertation
01 Jan 2009
TL;DR: Wang et al. as mentioned in this paper examined how and why a continental-oriented China has shifted its maritime strategic orientation and naval force structure from its coast toward the far seas in an era of interdependent international system.
Abstract: This thesis aims to examine how and why a continental-oriented China has shifted its maritime strategic orientation and naval force structure from its coast toward the far seas in an era of interdependent international system. Generally, China is an ancient continental land power with an incomplete oceanic awareness. With the transformation after the Cold War of China’s grand strategy from landward security to seaward security, maritime security interests have gradually become the most essential part of China’s strategic rationale. Undoubtedly, the quest for sea power and sea rights has become Beijing’s main maritime strategic issue. Given China’s escalating maritime politico-economic-military leverage in the Asia-Pacific region, its desire to become a leading sea power embodying global strategic thinking means that it must expand its maritime strategy by developing its navy and preparing for armed confrontation in terms of international relations realism. Conversely, Beijing’s maritime policy leads at the same time towards globalization, which involves multilateralism and strategic coexistence of a more pragmatic kind. This research analyses Chinese maritime strategy in the Asia-Pacific by asking: ‘Whither the Chinese maritime strategy in the ever changing Asia-Pacific security environment since the PRC was established in 1949?’ In general, contemporary China’s national security strategy is closely connected with its maritime strategy and with its comprehensive security plan for its economy, its energy supplies and its sovereignty. According to China’s view of its security environment, the traditional territorial scramble is changing from control of the land to the control of territorial waters, of maritime strategic resources, and of critical sea lanes. As a result, maritime economic competition has become a key focus for many nations. Given this, it is understandable that China’s maritime expansion from the coast to the high seas is part of its strategic approach. As a consequence, this study asks: ‘In order to shape a Sinocentric maritime security environment for China’s rising sea power, how has Beijing’s approach to maritime strategic expansion shifted from one of military antagonism toward one of strategic coexistence in the region.’ In recent years, Beijing has, purposefully, changed its maritime strategic thinking from Maoist-style coastal defence activities to offshore defence and ultimately a far sea defence. Importantly, this strategic aspiration is clear in China’s recent national defence white papers. According to the 2004 Defence White Paper of China, Beijing clearly acknowledges a shift from China’s traditional land power to a maritime power and its priority apropos the building of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) for winning command of the high sea and for conducting strategic counter-strikes. Meanwhile, according to China’s 2006 Defence White Paper, Beijing clearly states that China’s security concerns energy, resources, finance, information and international shipping routes are mounting. To achieve a comprehensive maritime capacity, the PLAN’s mission is urgent. It is to extend China’s offshore capabilities and to increase its maritime strategic depth. In the recent 2008 Defence White Paper, Beijing emphasizes that struggles for strategic resources, strategic locations, and strategic dominance have intensified. This implies that the PLA has shifted the focus of ground force operations from regional defence toward trans-regional mobility. This infers that the direction of maritime strategy must shift from offshore defence to far sea defence In a few words, maritime strategy is a grand-strategic opportunity, only littoral states are fortunate enough to have. China is one such state. With China’s politico-economic-military use of the sea growing in recent years, the natural expansion of its maritime strategic ambitions and long-range power projection capabilities have generated much concern. Regarding the maritime security dilemma in the Asia-Pacific, undeniably, the crux of the problem is whether an emerging maritime China can play the role of a responsible stakeholder there.

8 citations

ReportDOI
01 Dec 2015
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigated the following four factors to determine which are most powerful in driving arms procurements in Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore: availability of resources, domestic politics, external threats, and force modernization.
Abstract: : What drives economically buoyant Southeast Asian nations, enjoying postCold War peace, to procure arms in a manner that has observers concerned about a regional arms race? Are these acquisitions driven by threats from within the region or from potential hegemons like China? Alternatively, are the purchases actually driven by domestic factors? This thesis investigates the following four factors to determine which are most powerful in driving arms procurements in Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore: availability of resources, domestic politics, external threats, and force modernization. By comparing these three countries, selected for their track record of being the largest defense spenders in Southeast Asia, this research finds that domestic factors (the availability of resources and domestic politics) were the strongest drivers. Consequently, the paucity of externally triggered instances of arms procurements undermines existing assertions of a regional arms race. As such, using Buzan and Herrings arms dynamics model, the situation among the three countries is best characterized as being arms maintenance, with occasional excursions to arms competitions for prestige reasons. Looking toward the future, the worrying trajectories of domestic politics in these countries could supply the conditions that could incite more frequent excursions toward competitive arms dynamics.

7 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
04 Nov 2014
TL;DR: In this article, the authors used a qualitative approach to conduct a study in the defense industry with the application of defense-related offsets in Indonesia and found that the low competitiveness of the defence industry is due to the low quality of human resources, lack of research and development programs in the field of defense industry and the lack of legal protection in defense offset policy in Indonesia.
Abstract: . Offset mechanism is a policy of the defense industry sector which had been increasing since 1950. Offset implementation has provided some profit-making such as offset obligations in the United States to encourage exports and offset policy in India that had been increasing since 1959 through the use of modern technology facilities by creating the National Aerospace Laboratories (NAL). On the other hand, Indonesia as one of the pioneers in the implementation of defense offsets is still heavily dependent on the procurement of defense equipment from other countries. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze the implementation of defense offsets in Indonesia and the importance of the defense offset policy in Indonesia. Thus, this study is able to contribute to public policy in Indonesian literature. This study used a qualitative approach to conduct a study in the defense industry with the application of defense -related offsets in Indonesia. The results showed that the low competitiveness of the defense industry is due to the low quality of human resources, lack of research and development programs in the field of defense industry and the lack of legal protection in the defense offset policy. Keywords: defense offset, defense industry, policy defense industry, offset Abstrak. Mekanisme offset pada sektor industri pertahanan telah meningkat sejak tahun 1950. Implementasinya telah memberikan beberapa keuntungan seperti membuat kewajiban bagi Amerika Serikat untuk mengimbangi peningkatan ekspor produk indsutri pertahanan dan kebijakan offset di India yang meningkat sejak tahun 1959 melalui penggunaan fasilitas teknologi modern dengan menciptakan Aerospace Laboratories Nasional (NAL). Di sisi lain, Indonesia sebagai salah satu pelopor dalam pelaksanaan pertahanan offset masih sangat tergantung pada pengadaan alutsista dari negara lain. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pelaksanaan industri offset di Indonesia dan pentingnya kebijakan pertahanan dalam mengimbangi kebijakan publik di Indonesia. Dengan demikian diharapkan, kajian ini dapat memberikan kontribusi bagikebijakan publik dalam literaturkebijakan pertahanan di Indonesia. Kajian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dalam menganalisis industri pertahanan dengan aplikasi yang berhubungan dengan offset di Indonesia. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa rendahnya daya saing industri pertahanan disebabkan karena rendahnya kualitas sumber daya manusia, kurangnya program penelitian dan pengembangan di bidang industri pertahanan dan kurangnya perlindungan hukum dalam pertahanan offset kebijakan . Kata kunci: industri pertahanan, pertahanan offset , pertahanan offset kebijakan, offset

6 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors found that the larger the weight of arms production in a country's national economy, the more a state spends on shared transatlantic priorities, and this finding suggests that the strategic effects of defense industrial policy, and particularly the distribution of defense industries across Europe, extend beyond the production of defense articles and into the politics of burden sharing.
Abstract: Resource allocation is a grand strategic choice; strategic autonomy requires resources and defense industrial autonomy. The allocation of resources and the sharing of defense burdens among members of the transatlantic security community is thus a fundamental component of the liberal international order. While economists have shed much light on cross-country variation in burden-sharing behavior, only qualitative work in the security studies field has addressed the nature of contributions to shared priorities, and neither field has adequately addressed sources of within-country variation, which is of primary interest to policy-makers aiming to mitigate burden-shifting tendencies in alliances. I find the larger the weight of arms production is in its national economy, the more a state spends on shared transatlantic priorities. This finding suggests that the strategic effects of defense industrial policy, and particularly the distribution of defense industries across Europe, extend beyond the production of defense articles and into the politics of burden sharing.

1 citations

TL;DR: In this paper , the authors focused on the discussion to answer the problems of regional economic governance and how scientific evidence of the use of technology can be a prospect and challenge in Indonesia's efforts to develop poor areas into prosperous areas.
Abstract: --- This paper focused on the discussion to answer the problems of regional economic governance and how scientific evidence of the use of Technology can be a prospect and challenge in Indonesia's efforts to develop poor areas into prosperous areas. We study with a phenomenological approach that begins with in-depth data analysis techniques, thorough evaluations, and high interpretations to obtain valid data to answer existing problems. After we develop the data and discuss the results, it can be concluded that the government and other parties can develop the national and local economy by utilizing what Technology works with the prospects and challenges. Technology has brought a life that is now wholly industrialized. Therefore, resources are needed that can manage to see Technology in terms of prospects and challenges so that regional economic governance in Indonesia can be implemented.