scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question
Author

Daniel N. Nelson

Bio: Daniel N. Nelson is an academic researcher from Old Dominion University. The author has contributed to research in topics: Democracy & Collective security. The author has an hindex of 6, co-authored 8 publications receiving 73 citations.

Papers
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the behavioral standards of a "civil army" are discussed and a brief survey of east-central and southeast Europe is given to signs of criminality, procurement fraud, limited civilian roles in defense, diminished public image of armies, low compliance of high commands, and other evidence that building civil armies requires further effort.
Abstract: As NATO's membership and function widen, it transits from a "latent war community" to something akin to an international regime aimed at collective security. During and after such a process, successful integration into the "new" alliance will have little to do with a state's military contribution or strategic advantage. Instead, principal emphasis will be placed on how a state and its army behave. This discussion concerns the behavioral standards of a "civil army"—an ideal type to which no system can lay claim, but which allows comparative assessments. In a brief survey of east-central and southeast Europe, attention is given to signs of criminality, procurement fraud, limited civilian roles in defense, diminished public image of armies, low compliance of high commands, and other evidence that building civil armies requires further effort. Concluding comments note policy alternatives for U. S. and NATO efforts to accelerate civil-military transitions.

19 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jun 1998
TL;DR: Good neighbors are rare as mentioned in this paper, and those who are most proximate might offer the potential for mutual assistance and reassurance. Mistrust and rivalry seem endemic among individuals and groups sharing space and resources.
Abstract: Good neighbors are rare. Those who are most proximate might offer the potential for mutual assistance and reassurance. Mistrust and rivalry, however, seem endemic among individuals and groups sharing space and resources. Schopenhauer's simile refers to porcupines who huddle together in the winter to keep warm, but separate as they feel each other's quills, until they discover “a mean distance at which they could most tolerably exist.” Referring to Schopenhauer, Freud observed that “No one can tolerate a too intimate approach to his neighbor.”

14 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jun 1993-Survival

7 citations


Cited by
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
Dan Reiter1
TL;DR: Reiter as discussed by the authors argued that enlarging the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) does not promote the spread of democracy in the former communist states of Central and Eastern Europe (e.g., Poland, Hungary, and Czech Republic).
Abstract: The debate over the costs and beneats of enlarging the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) that preceded the March 1999 inclusion of Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic retains policy relevance in the twenty-arst century. Nine more countries have formally applied for membership, requesting entry in 2002.1 Supporters of enlargement have argued that it would help to stabilize Eastern Europe in at least three ways. First, a strong Western commitment to former communist states in this region would deter any future Russian aggression. Second, enlargement would reduce the likelihood of conoict among NATO members, ameliorating security dilemmas and forcing them to accept current borders and pursue the peaceful resolution of disputes. Third, it would further democratization in the region, which in turn would help to stabilize the area because democracies are unlikely to aght each other. As former United Nations Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick explained, “There is . . . only one reliable guarantee against aggression. It is not found in international organizations. It is found in the spread of democracy. It derives from the simple fact that true democracies do not invade one another and do not engage in aggressive wars. . . . Preserving and strengthening democracies in Central and Eastern Europe should be the United States’ central goal and top foreign policy priority in Europe, in Why NATO Enlargement Does Not Spread Democracy Dan Reiter

180 citations

Proceedings ArticleDOI
17 Nov 2003
TL;DR: It is suggested that there are two effective strategies for overcoming problems with systems engineering: restricting the conventional systems engineering process to not-too-complex projects and adopting an evolutionary paradigm for complex systems engineering that involves rapid parallel exploration and a context designed to promote change.
Abstract: We review the lessons learned from problems with systems engineering over the past couple of decades and suggest that there are two effective strategies for overcoming them: (1) restricting the conventional systems engineering process to not-too-complex projects, and (2) adopting an evolutionary paradigm for complex systems engineering that involves rapid parallel exploration and a context designed to promote change through competition between design/implementation groups with field testing of multiple variants. The second approach is an extension of many of the increasingly popular variants of systems engineering today.

167 citations

Book
02 Jun 2005
TL;DR: In this paper, Ziegler et al. present a table and a list of tables and figures to take human rights seriously, including food, economic, social, and cultural rights.
Abstract: List of Tables and Figures Foreword by Jean Ziegler Acknowledgments Introduction: Taking Rights Seriously Part I. Foundations Chapter 1. Food and Nutrition Malnutrition Causes of Malnutrition Growth Measurement Numbers of Malnourished People Malnutrition and Mortality Comparative Morality Food and Nutrition Security Varieties of Government Action Chapter 2. The International Human Rights System Historical Foundations International Humanitarian Law The International Bill of Human Rights Children's Rights Regional Human Rights Agreements Human Rights Agencies United Nations Charter Bodies United Nations Treaty Bodies Civil Society Organizations Informal Civil Society Chapter 3. Adequate Food is a Human Right Economic, Social, and Cultural RightsFood in International Human Rights Law Food in International Humanitarian Law Global Declarations and Commitments General Comment 12The Special RapporteurThe Voluntary Guidelines Part II. Human Rights Systems Chapter 4. Human Rights, Governance, and Law Human Rights and Governance Studying Human Rights in National Governance The Role of National LawUniversal Human Rights and the Role of International Law Chapter 5. Rights/Entitlements DefinitionMoral versus Legal RightsSoft versus Hard RightsRights as Goals Rights Imply EntitlementsDetermining Local EntitlementsHaving versus Realizing Rights Chapter 6. Obligations and Commitments Moral Responsibilities When Do Governments Do Human Rights Work? Levels of Government ObligationEconomic Rights The Obligation of Good Governance Obligations of Nonstate Actors Questionable Charity Chapter 7. Accountability MechanismsVarieties of Accountability Justiciability Remedies for Rights Holders National and Local Human Rights AgenciesAccountability through Public Action Chapter 8. India The Supreme Court Case Starvation is Not the Problem The Missing Piece in India's Rights SystemThe Tamil Nadu Integrated Nutrition Project Chapter 9. Brazil Chapter 10. The United States Chapter 11. Feeding InfantsBreast-Feeding RightsInfants' Human Right to Adequate Food Principles Women's Right to Breast-Feed versus Infants' Right to be Breast-Fed Chapter 12. Feeding Infants of HIV-Positive Mothers Official Guidance on HIV/AIDS and Infant Feeding Issues A Court Case Informed Choice Principles Chapter 13. Water The Household Water Problem Water Rights are DifferentGeneral Comment 15 Chapter 14. TradeIssues The Human Right to Adequate Food in Relation to Trade Reconciling Different Frameworks Food Sovereignty Chapter 15. RefugeesIssues in Refugee NutritionExplanations and Justifications for Uneven ServicesThe Human Right to Adequate FoodThe Adequacy QuestionSpecifying the ObligationsLimiting the ObligationsThe Work Ahead Chapter 16. International Humanitarian AssistanceIssuesRights to AssistanceThe Provider's Motivation Implementation Chapter 17. Global Human RightsGlobal Rights and Global ObligationsGlobal Accountability Strategic Planning Sources ReferencesIndex

107 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors combine theory about political stability at national level with theory about foreign policy change, focusing on strategies used by the political leaders to build and maintain political stability, change in foreign policy, and links between the two.
Abstract: Domestic and foreign policy cannot always be kept apart. A change of Government at national level may impact on foreign policy, and foreign policy adventures sometimes translate into consequences at home. Links between domestic and foreign policy may be limiting as well as enabling factors for Governments who find themselves at the cross-roads between national and international power. This study combines theory about political stability, at national level, with theory about foreign policy change, focusing on (1) strategies used by the political leaders to build and maintain political stability, (2) change in foreign policy, and (3) links between the two. The degree of political stability in a country, it is argued, depends on the extent to which key groups accept the regime and on the existence of credible alternatives to the current regime. The leaders may resort to different strategies to become accepted, focusing on legitimacy, performance or coercion. Foreign policy change is analysed in five areas, namely regime stability, security, trade and economic policy, national identity, and autonomy. It is explained on the basis of a theoretical framework that sees foreign policy change, or the lack of it, as the outcome of a struggle between ?promoters of change? and ?stabilisers of foreign policy?, at various levels. The analysis of the links between foreign policy change and strategies to achieve political stability has been inspired by theories about the two-level game, ?adaptation? and the ?two faces of state action?. Empirically the study covers Hungarian politics during close to forty years (1956-94). This period comprises three distinct phases ? the ?Kadar era? (1956-88), the fall of the Socialist regime and transition to democracy (1988-90) and the first years of democratic governance (1990-94). It points to a shift in legitimation strategies under Janos Kadar, away from coercion as a prime instrument and focusing more on performance, mainly in economic terms. This strategy was supported by opening up towards the West, first in the area of trade but later also on more sensitive issues, such as the security doctrine. While political stability was achieved for some time, these strategies hit back. Unsuccessful economic reforms, the emergence of a political alternative, the regime's loss of belief in its right to rule and, finally, change in Moscow under Gorbachev, undermined the Socialist regime and led to a process of democratisation starting in 1989. Under democracy, the first Government hoped to base political stability more on legitimacy than on performance. This strategy was unsuccessful in the sense that the Government fell, although the political system as such was never under threat. Foreign policy continued to change in a more dramatic way, although such change can be seen as a logical continuation of a direction which had been defined already under the Socialist regime. Under democracy, links between domestic and foreign policy continued to be strong. Hungary pushed for rapid accession to NATO and the EU to promote security, political stability and economic prosperity as the country liberated itself from its previous dependence on Moscow.

56 citations