Author
Daniel Weltman
Bio: Daniel Weltman is an academic researcher from Ashoka University. The author has contributed to research in topics: Civil disobedience. The author has an hindex of 2, co-authored 4 publications receiving 6 citations.
Topics: Civil disobedience
Papers
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a new form of the exclusion argument against closed borders which escapes this "right to stay put" reply by describing a kind of exclusion that has not been discussed in depth.
Abstract: Supporters of open borders sometimes argue that the state has no pro tanto right to restrict immigration, because such a right would also entail a right to exclude existing citizens for whatever reasons justify excluding immigrants. These arguments can be defeated by suggesting that people have a right to stay put. I present a new form of the exclusion argument against closed borders which escapes this “right to stay put” reply. I do this by describing a kind of exclusion that has not been discussed in depth, which I call “territorial exclusion.” Territorial exclusion is the process according to which the group that wishes to exclude current citizens secedes from the territory in which those citizens reside. I argue that the wrongness of territorial exclusion explains why there is no pro tanto right for a state to exclude immigrants, because otherwise there would be a pro tanto right for the state to kick people out by seceding from the territory they inhabit. Because kicking people out like this is typically wrong, borders cannot be closed.
3 citations
TL;DR: In this article, Cara Nine argues that Lea Ypi's account of the wrongness of colonialism has a hole in it: Ypi leaves open the possibility of justified sett...
Abstract: In ‘Colonialism, territory and pre-existing obligations,’ Cara Nine argues that Lea Ypi’s account of the wrongness of colonialism has a hole in it: Ypi leaves open the possibility of justified sett...
3 citations
TL;DR: In this article, Renzo argues that a proper understanding of political self-determination shows that it is often impermissible to intervene in order to establish a regime that leads to more selfdetermination for a group of people if that group was or would be opposed to the intervention.
Abstract: Massimo Renzo has recently argued in this journal that Allen Buchanan’s account of the ethics of intervention is too permissive. Renzo claims that a proper understanding of political self-determination shows that it is often impermissible to intervene in order to establish a regime that leads to more self-determination for a group of people if that group was or would be opposed to the intervention. Renzo’s argument rests on an analogy between individual self-determination and group self-determination, and once we see that there are differences between the two kinds of self-determination, his argument against Buchanan fails, and thus there are more cases of permissible intervention than Renzo countenances. However, understanding these differences also reveals that Buchanan’s account is also not permissive enough. There are cases of justified intervention beyond even what Buchanan compasses.
3 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that Moraro does not go far enough and that sometimes states are not agents of the people who can call lawbreakers to account, and even those states which are agents cannot demand that lawbreakers answer for their crimes in the form of a trial.
Abstract:
Piero Moraro argues that people who engage in civil disobedience do not have a pro tanto reason to accept punishment for breaking the law, although they do have a duty to undergo prosecution. This is because they have a duty to answer for their actions, and the state serves as an agent of the people by calling the lawbreaker to answer via prosecution. I argue that Moraro does not go far enough. Someone who engages in civil disobedience does not even have to show up for the trial, provided that they answer for their actions adequately via some other means. This is because sometimes states are not agents of the people who can call lawbreakers to account, and even those states which are agents cannot demand that lawbreakers answer for their crimes in the form of a trial.
1 citations
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss their recently published book, Territorial Sovereignty, and how that led them to be interested in this particular project that they dealt with in the book.
Abstract: 18 November 2019CH: Thank you for agreeing to do this. The prompt for the interview was to talk about your recently published book, Territorial Sovereignty, but I thought before we got into that you could say something about your earlier work and how that led you to be interested in this particular project that you deal with in the book.
46 citations
9 citations
TL;DR: The Problems of Secession, the Morality of Separation, and the Moral Case Against Secession: A Constitutional Right to Secede as discussed by the authors, is a good summary of the main arguments against and in favor of separation.
Abstract: * The Problems of Secession * The Morality of Secession * The Moral Case Against Secession * A Constitutional Right to Secede * Conclusions
5 citations
TL;DR: In this article, Cara Nine argues that Lea Ypi's account of the wrongness of colonialism has a hole in it: Ypi leaves open the possibility of justified sett...
Abstract: In ‘Colonialism, territory and pre-existing obligations,’ Cara Nine argues that Lea Ypi’s account of the wrongness of colonialism has a hole in it: Ypi leaves open the possibility of justified sett...
3 citations