E. G. Turner
Bio: E. G. Turner is an academic researcher. The author has an hindex of 1, co-authored 1 publications receiving 87 citations.
01 Nov 2007
TL;DR: The Roman National Income was indeed larger than that of any pre-industrial European state as mentioned in this paper, and the standard of living of the masses exceeds bare subsistence levels in the Roman Empire.
Abstract: Roman society of the early empire presents a confusing and ambiguous image that we cannot easily situate in unidirectional accounts of European economic history. Clearly, public monuments in marble or other precious stone, military security, the urban food supply, roads, aqueducts and gladiatorial games testify to public consumption on a grand scale. On the other hand, the signs of poverty, misery, and destitution are no less obvious. Many inhabitants of the Roman empire only eked out a meager living, their skeletons grim testimonies to malnutrition and disease. Growth occurred because the wealth of the elite may have been a sign of effective exploitation of the poor. Roman National Income was indeed larger than that of any preindustrial European state. One of the requirements for an economy is to provide enough subsistence for its population to survive. The economic and social achievements of pre-industrial societies can be measured if standard of living of the masses exceeds bare subsistence levels.
01 Feb 1994
TL;DR: In the case of ancient Rome, the population in question was very large (though for reasons that we shall see, quantification poses serious problems, not just of evidence) and the Roman elite had every reason to develop the vocabulary of disdain this paper.
Abstract: For people are the City, not the houses or the porticoes or the fora empty of men (Dio lvi .5.3) It is said that Caligula's exasperated wish was that the people of Rome had only a single neck. That they had a single – and very strongly felt – collective identity is, by contrast, our historical problem. Urban populations at all periods suffer from being treated corporately – as the demos , the many, the mob, the multitude, the masses: under such concepts a sneer lies close below the surface, and the dehumanizing effect of the collective designation has never lost its political point. The difficulty is particularly acute in the case of ancient Rome. The population in question was very large (though for reasons that we shall see, quantification poses serious problems, not just of evidence). Secondly, the Roman elite had every reason to develop the vocabulary of disdain, and has processed almost all the information we possess. Thirdly, there were indeed ways in which the plebs Romana was in reality a corporate entity, and really did cohere as a collectivity, so even when the dismissive perceptions of ancient aristocrats have been allowed for, our analysis still has to penetrate an institutional facade before it can depict and explain the differentiations within the Roman populace. Our subject-matter in this chapter is the resident population of the city of Rome; but there are two other collectivities that need to be distinguished. The first, the plebs urbana , was a subset of the urban population; it comprised the Roman citizens resident in the city who were not members of the senatorial or equestrian census-categories: it excluded slaves and foreigners ( peregrini ). The second, the populus Romanus , was the sum of all Roman citizens of whatever status everywhere.
TL;DR: A regret, nous laisserons de cote les multiples aspects de la civilisation, ou plus exactement des rencontres de civilisations, rend passionnante l'histoire de la Syrie dans l'antiquite as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Sur la Syrie romaine, nos informations sont aujourd'hui vastes, lacunaires et dispersees. Fouilles et explorations ont considerablement enrichi la documentation disponible. Archeologie, epigraphie, numismatique ont donne lieu a des publications nombreuses. Les textes litteraires antiques ont ete reinterpretes. Des etudes d'ensemble ou de detail, au premier rang desquelles prennent place celles d'Henri Seyrig, ont renouvele notre connaissance des faits et des evenements.Quelques pages ne peuvent etre ni une synthese ni un catalogue; un choix s'impose. Certains points, assures depuis longtemps, permettent d'etre bref; d'autres, recemment acquis ou encore en discussion, appellent de plus longs developpements.A regret, nous laisserons de cote les multiples aspects de la civilisation, ou plus exactement des rencontres de civilisations, dont l'etude rend passionnante l'histoire de la Syrie dans l'antiquite. Nous tentons seulement de fournir pour cette etude en quelque sorte un cadre et une toile de fond indispensables, en montrant comment il a fallu plus de trois siecles pour que la Syrie fut solidement integree a un empire romain unifie. De l'emprise romaine, nous nous attacherons a preciser les etapes d'abord, de la conquete de Pompee a la reconquete d'Aurelien, les instruments ensuite, gouverneurs, armee, organisation des finances et de la monnaie. Cette perspective explique que nous nous arretions chronologiquement au regne de Diocletien, malgre le grand interet que presente en Syrie le IVe siecle de notre ere.
TL;DR: In this paper, the text of a new inscription from Ephesus will be presented and discussed, and a large-scale photograph and the latex squeeze provided by the Austrian Archaeological Institute.
Abstract: In this paper the text of a new inscription from Ephesus will be presented and discussed. The fragmented stone on which it is written was brought by a workman to the excavation office in spring 1969. It is not known where exactly it was found, although D. Knibbe has suggested privately that it was originally set up in the Agora.Osterreichisches Archaologisches Institut, Ephesus Inventory No. 3653. Fragment of a large slab of white marble, broken on top and at the bottom. The left margin is partly preserved, the right margin almost entirely. There are mouldings on both sides. The hollow in the form of a semicircle at the right margin originates in all probability from re-use of the stone.Height 75 cm. Width 68·5. Thickness 12·5. The height of the letters is 1·0, the distance between the lines 0·6 cm. The writing is in two columns which are separated from each other by a vertical scratch. This was made after the left column had already been engraved, as can be seen from the small detour in 1 19. Plate I. For the establishment of the text I have been able to use a large-scale photograph and the latex squeeze provided by the Austrian Archaeological Institute.
01 Nov 2007
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore whether the higher level of economic activity during the first two centuries of the Principate in comparison with the preceding and following periods, and the possible modest growth then, were, at least in part, the result of the existence of a single political entity embracing the Mediterranean, or were achieved despite it.
Abstract: This chapter explores whether the higher level of economic activity during the first two centuries of the Principate in comparison with the preceding and following periods, and the possible modest growth then, were, at least in part, the result of the existence of a single political entity embracing the Mediterranean, or were achieved despite it. In the first two centuries of the Principate, taxation enhanced market exchanges and promoted growth. The emperor set the rules of the game at the level of the central and provincial administration, but his actions extended in various ways to the level of the individual urban communities. The creation of a single monetary area may have contributed most to the reduction in transaction costs: a centrally produced coinage circulated almost everywhere. In order to account for massive output of the Roman mint it is necessary to assume structural imbalance between tax and public expenditure.