Erin Tolley

Bio: Erin Tolley is an academic researcher from University of Toronto. The author has contributed to research in topics: Politics & Political science. The author has an hindex of 6, co-authored 13 publications receiving 194 citations. Previous affiliations of Erin Tolley include Queen's University.

Deciding Who's Legitimate: News Media Framing of Immigrants and Refugees

Abstract: With its relatively high immigration levels and comparatively favorable public opinion, Canada is often seen as a bastion of support for immigrants and refugees. We argue that support is uneven because Canadians differentiate between economic immigrants and those who arrive on humanitarian grounds. Our conclusion is supported by an automated content analysis of Canadian print media coverage over a 10-year period, an approach that allowed us to capture a wide swath of discourse. We found distinct differences in the framing of immigrants and refugees. Immigrants are framed in economic terms, whereas greater attention is focused on the validity of refugee claims, potential security threats, and the extent to which refugees “take advantage” of social programs. More focus is also given to refugees’ national origins, and that framing is disproportionately negative. Our analysis illustrates the discursive distinctions that are drawn between immigrants and refugees and the hierarchy of preferences for the former over the latter.

Do Women “Do Better” in Municipal Politics? Electoral Representation across Three Levels of Government

Abstract: . This article examines the electoral presence of women in federal, provincial and municipal governments. It casts doubt on the notion of a municipal advantage—a prevalent theme in the women in politics literature—and suggests, instead, that female legislators are increasingly present in roughly equivalent proportions across all three levels of government. Unlike prior analyses that have tended to focus on a limited number of provinces, a distinct time period or a select group of larger urban centres, this article uses longitudinal data that encompass all provinces and territories, as well as nearly all of Canada's 3750 municipalities. The findings demonstrate that female legislators often find greater electoral success at the higher levels of government but that the proportion of women elected rarely exceeds 25 per cent at any level. The article thus challenges a pervasive theme in the literature on women in politics.Resume. Cet article etudie la presence des femmes parmi les elus aux divers paliers de gouvernement, soit aux niveaux federal, provincial et municipal. Il remet en doute l'idee voulant que les femmes soient avantagees au niveau municipal – theme tres courant dans la litterature sur les femmes au gouvernement – et propose, au contraire, que les legislatrices sont de plus en plus presentes dans des proportions a peu pres semblables aux trois niveaux de gouvernement. Contrairement aux etudes anterieures, qui ont eu tendance a se concentrer sur un nombre limite de provinces, sur une periode determinee ou sur un groupe particulier de grands centres urbains, cet article se sert de donnees longitudinales qui englobent toutes les provinces, tous les territoires et la majeure partie des 3750 municipalites du Canada. Les conclusions demontrent que les legislatrices reussissent souvent mieux aux paliers superieurs de gouvernement, mais que la proportion des femmes elues excede rarement 25 pour cent, peu importe le niveau. L'auteure remet donc en question un theme omnipresent dans la litterature sur les femmes au gouvernement.

Racial Mediation in the Coverage of Candidates' Political Viability: A Comparison of Approaches

Abstract: This article proposes a theory of racial mediation and examines how candidate race affects media coverage of political viability. Using two different types of content analysis—manual and automated—the article assesses print media coverage of white and visible minority candidates in the 2008 Canadian federal election. The study reaches two substantive conclusions. First, it appears that candidate race does not influence reporting on political viability in the aggregate, but does affect how non-incumbent candidates with racial minority backgrounds are portrayed. Although non-incumbent white candidates receive fairly positive coverage of their electoral qualifications, this is not the case for visible minority candidates. Incumbency washes away these differences, suggesting that once minority candidates have, in effect, proven themselves with an electoral win, they will receive coverage that is equivalent—and sometimes even more favourable—than their white competitors. Second, this study demonstrates how met...

Voting for one’s own: racial group identification and candidate preferences

Abstract: We know that voters have a baseline preference for candidates with whom they share a racial background, but whether and why a shared racial identity influences political decisions is the critical question. This article examines how shared racial characteristics lead racial minority voters to vote for candidates of the same race. Using a unique online experiment, we test the social psychological bases for racial affinity. We expect that for higher status minority groups, identity- rather than interest-based motivations offer the greatest explanatory value. Our findings support this supposition. Our results provide new insights into the political behavior of racial minority voters, and have implications for theories of vote choice and affinity, as well as practical applications for party strategists and candidates.

It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don't Run for Office

Abstract: It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don't Run for Office . By Jennifer L. Lawless and Richard L. Fox. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. 2005. 203 pp. $65.00 cloth, $22.99 paper. Why do so few women occupy elected offices in the United States? One reason, perhaps the most important one, is that fewer women than men are politically ambitious. That is the major conclusion to emerge from the innovative research conducted by Jennifer Lawless and Richard Fox. This finding alone is bound to make It Takes a Candidate a must-read, must-cite book for all scholars studying gender and politics.

Migrants, Minorities, and the Media: Information, representations, and participation in the public sphere

Abstract: Scholars of political communication have stressed the critical role of the media in modern liberal democracies (Bennett and Entman 2001; Chong and Druckman 2007; Koopmans and Statham 2010; McCombs ...

Deciding Who's Legitimate: News Media Framing of Immigrants and Refugees

Abstract: With its relatively high immigration levels and comparatively favorable public opinion, Canada is often seen as a bastion of support for immigrants and refugees. We argue that support is uneven because Canadians differentiate between economic immigrants and those who arrive on humanitarian grounds. Our conclusion is supported by an automated content analysis of Canadian print media coverage over a 10-year period, an approach that allowed us to capture a wide swath of discourse. We found distinct differences in the framing of immigrants and refugees. Immigrants are framed in economic terms, whereas greater attention is focused on the validity of refugee claims, potential security threats, and the extent to which refugees “take advantage” of social programs. More focus is also given to refugees’ national origins, and that framing is disproportionately negative. Our analysis illustrates the discursive distinctions that are drawn between immigrants and refugees and the hierarchy of preferences for the former over the latter.

Gender Dynamics in Congressional Elections

Abstract: Fox, Richard L. (1997). Gender Dynamics in Congressional Elections. Sage Publications, 231 pages (paper-back), ISBN 0-7619-0239-2. In Gender Dynamics in Congressional Elections, Richard L. Fox examines the role of gender in the electoral process. He argues that the presence of female candidates is having a profound effect on various components of the electoral process and also that the presence of women is causing male candidates to reevaluate their own campaign strategies. Much of this behavior persists due to the traditional stereotyping given to women. He maintains that, if traditional stereotyping persists, the electoral environment can be a predictor in election processes. To address the above issues, Fox compares the experiences of female candidates to male candidates running for the U.S. House of Representatives races in California for the 1992 and 1994 years. Based on the types of seats for which women are running, male candidates were chosen relative to corresponding characteristics wherever possible. For instance, an open seat race with a woman running would be matched with an open seat race with a male running or party registration in the races with women and in the races with only men were chosen. The data source consisted of interviews with campaign managers of each candidate and, if no campaign manager existed, the press secretary or candidate was interviewed. In addressing gender dynamics of congressional elections, Fox organized his arguments into three parts. First, males and females experience important differences in the behavior and the effects of the electoral process. In terms of behavior, males and females have different motivations for entering the race. This is reflected in the types of campaigns employed in terms of their campaign themes and issues. Also their presentation of personal characteristics such as mode of attire and the way by which they communicate with the voters are different. Moreover, male candidates were found to modify their behavior in reaction to female opponents, having a much broader effect in terms of the electoral process. According to Fox's analysis, although differences in the electoral process exist-- such as fund raising, support by party members, and media coverage--women were not severely disadvantaged about these electoral factors. However, since female candidates and their campaign managers perceived that these differences existed, the perception of unfairness itself has ramifications for female candidates who might want to run for office. Second, gender differentials continue mainly as a result of the traditional sex-role stereotypes. …