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Francis Dupuis-Déri

Bio: Francis Dupuis-Déri is an academic researcher from Université du Québec à Montréal. The author has contributed to research in topics: Politics & Social movement. The author has an hindex of 8, co-authored 46 publications receiving 346 citations. Previous affiliations of Francis Dupuis-Déri include Université de Montréal & Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

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TL;DR: The authors examines two alternative explanations of the masculinist phenomenon: (1) men have real problems, and masculinists scapegoat women and feminists instead of targeting the true causes of their problems, such as the transformation of the labor market; (2) masculinism is openly opposed to feminism and is thus the result of countermovement dynamics.
Abstract: Little research has been done on antifeminism, whether from the perspective of the sociology of social movements or even of women's studies. Yet, a particular form of antifeminism has been at work for a number of years, more specifically, masculinism. Its discourse claims that men are in crisis because of the feminization of society and it mobilizes primarily around issues pertaining to the interests of fathers and spouses (divorce laws, alimony, child custody, violence). This article examines two alternative explanations of the masculinist phenomenon: (1) men have real problems, and masculinists scapegoat women and feminists instead of targeting the true causes of their problems, such as the transformation of the labor market; (2) masculinism is openly opposed to feminism and is thus the result of countermovement dynamics. While referring to other contexts (UK, the USA, etc.), our paper takes the situation in Quebec (Canada) as a case study. The feminist movement and masculinism are dynamic there and sta...

107 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 1994

59 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a general model for assessing the birth of pro-democratic discourse is proposed, comparing France and the United States, and the authors focus on two types of situation where the word "democracy" is used on the political stage: (i) distinguishing oneself negatively by discrediting the opponent (the term ‘democracy’ is pejorative and associated with the ‘enemy'), and (ii) asserting oneself positively by asserting one's worthiness.
Abstract: Comparing France and the United States, I propose a general model for assessing the birth of pro-democratic discourse. I first explain why founders of the modern ‘democracies' were openly and vehemently anti-democratic. Next, I focus on two types of situation where the word ‘democracy’ is used on the political stage – when political actors want to distinguish themselves from their opponents and when political actors want to sanctify the political regime. The first case covers three specific modes of the use of the term ‘democracy’: (i) distinguishing oneself negatively by discrediting the opponent (the term ‘democracy’ is pejorative and associated with the ‘enemy’); (ii) distinguishing oneself positively by asserting one's worthiness (the term ‘democracy’ is positive and associated with ‘us’); (iii) fighting for an exclusive claim to the term in order to set oneself apart (several camps proclaim themselves ‘democrat’ and mutually accuse each other of usurping or even ‘stealing’ the title). I conclude that...

26 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Black Blocs made a spectacular entrance into the Movement for Global Justice on 30 November 1999 at the "Battle of Seattle," when they smashed the windows of McDonald's, Nike, Gap, and a few banks as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Black Blocs made a spectacular entrance into the Movement for Global Justice on 30 November 1999 at the "Battle of Seattle," when they smashed the windows of McDonald's, Nike, Gap, and a few banks. In April 2009, almost ten years later, a Black Bloc is involved in skirmishes with police at Strasbourg during the NATO Summit. The aim of this article, which is largely based on interviews with militants, analyses of their discourses, and first-hand observations of demonstrations, is to identify how the Black Bloc tactic originated and spread, and to understand the political factors that led activists to adopt it. Three intrinsically political questions are addressed: (1) Who should determine the plan of action within a group of militants? (2) Who should determine the plan of action during a demonstration? (3) Who should determine the criteria to assess the effectiveness of the actions taken by a social movement and speak on its behalf? To answer these questions, the notion of "respect for a diversity of tactics" and the links between the Black Blocs and other militant organizations (both radical and reformist) as well as other blocs (the "Tute Bianche" or White Overalls and the Pink Blocs) are discussed.

25 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 May 2012
TL;DR: In this article, a retour dans l'histoire permet de constater qu’en Occident les hommes se pretendent en crise depuis au moins les cinq derniers siecles.
Abstract: Le discours de la « crise de la masculinite » est aujourd’hui un lieu commun. Or cette pretendue crise de la masculinite survient alors que les hommes ont encore, en general, plus de pouvoir et de privileges que les femmes. Il importe donc d’etudier, dans une perspective critique, la rhetorique de la « crise de la masculinite » pour evaluer le sens politique de ce discours. Ainsi, un retour dans l’histoire permet de constater qu’en Occident les hommes se pretendent en crise depuis au moins les cinq derniers siecles. Apres avoir discute plus precisement de trois periodes (le XVIIe siecle en Angleterre, la Revolution de 1789 en France et la fin du XIXe siecle et le debut du XXe siecle en Occident), l’auteur accorde une attention particuliere au discours contemporain. Son analyse permet de confirmer que ce discours est porteur d’une critique du feminisme et d’un refus de l’egalite entre les sexes. Ce discours sert aussi a justifier la (re)affirmation d’une masculinite conventionnelle.

16 citations


Cited by
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TL;DR: In the 1966 paperback edition of a publication which first appeared in 1963 has by now been widely reviewed as a worthy contribution to the sociological study of deviant behavior as discussed by the authors, and the authors developed a sequential model of deviance relying on the concept of career, a concept originally developed in studies of occupations.
Abstract: This 1966 paperback edition of a publication which first appeared in 1963 has by now been widely reviewed as a worthy contribution to the sociological study of deviant behavior. Its current appearance as a paperback is a testimonial both to the quality of the work and to the prominence of deviant behavior in this generation. In general the author places deviance in perspective, identifies types of deviant behavior, considers the role of rule makers and enforcers, and some of the problems in studying deviance. In addition, he develops a sequential model of deviance relying on the concept of career, a concept originally developed in studies of occupations. In his study of a particular kind of deviance, the use of marihuana, the author posits and tests systematically an hypothesis about the genesis of marihuana use for pleasure. The hypothesis traces the sequence of changes in individual attitude

2,650 citations

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TL;DR: The Marriage Contract, the Individual and Slavery, Genesis, Fathers and the Political Liberty of Sons as mentioned in this paper is a well-known example of the Marriage Contract and its application to prostitution.
Abstract: 1. Contracting In. 2. Patriarchal Confusions. 3. Contract, the Individual and Slavery. 4. Genesis, Fathers and the Political Liberty of Sons. 5. Wives, Slaves and Wage-Slaves. 6. Feminism and the Marriage Contract. 7. What's Wrong with Prostitution?

966 citations