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Franklin David Rausch

Bio: Franklin David Rausch is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Ideology. The author has an hindex of 1, co-authored 1 publications receiving 17 citations.
Topics: Ideology

Papers
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DOI
01 Jan 2011
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a Table of Table of contents of the paper "A.K.A., Table of Contents" and a table of the authors' abstracts.
Abstract: .........................................................................................................ii Preface.........................................................................................................iii Table of

17 citations


Cited by
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the author traces how France underwent a veritable crisis of civilization in the early years of the French Republic as traditional attitudes and practices crumbled under the forces of modernization.
Abstract: France achieved national unity much later than is commonly supposed. For a hundred years and more after the Revolution, millions of peasants lived on as if in a timeless world, their existence little different from that of the generations before them. The author of this lively, often witty, and always provocative work traces how France underwent a veritable crisis of civilization in the early years of the French Republic as traditional attitudes and practices crumbled under the forces of modernization. Local roads and railways were the decisive factors, bringing hitherto remote and inaccessible regions into easy contact with markets and major centers of the modern world. The products of industry rendered many peasant skills useless, and the expanding school system taught not only the language of the dominant culture but its values as well, among them patriotism. By 1914, France had finally become La Patrie in fact as it had so long been in name.

301 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the rule of law fails as a result of the specific types of relationships that emerge in the broader political system and how those relationships foster and link to alternative political structures operating in ‘brown’ zones.
Abstract: method of reviewing this process in three distinct communities in Rio proves to be convincing: he provides tangible and crucial new evidence that while the state may “appear” to be absent, it is in fact present, but in a way altered by the networking skills of the drug traffickers. The network model argued by Arias “suggests that the rule of law fails as a result of the specific types of relationships that emerge in the broader political system and how those relationships foster and link to alternative political structures operating in ‘brown’ zones” (p. 53). According to Arias, “the limitations of the rule of law reflect not the weaknesses of institutions but the way in which the strengths of institutions are deployed in the interests of powerful criminal or authoritarian actors” (p. 53). Arias effectively and in detail describes how the leaders of the AMs navigate the relationship between residents, drug traffickers, and the state. But his social networking analysis ends up downplaying the problematic or even explanatory nature of entities that fall outside of its model. For instance, it can downplay the important role AM leaders play in protecting residents from violence. And it can move the ever-present problem of corruption among the police forces in the Rio context to the background of the paradigm. One could just as easily start an inquiry in a different place, such as with the lack of credibility of the police forces by residents of impoverished communities. The model bears both the strengths and weaknesses of its structural functionalist antecedents: it explains the constitution of powerful criminal networks as part of a contemporary process of social networking by community actors disenfranchised from other forms of political power, while leaving other (arguably) equally salient problems less analyzed: the historical formation and continued presence of corrupt police forces; entrenched attitudes across classes regarding the relationship between poverty and criminality; and the economic and social problems facing masses of disenfranchised youth who have ready access to guns and who are angry with their place in the world. Drugs and Democracy recognizes this reality clearly, chooses a point of entry, and skillfully provides us with one perceptive new lens with which to view urban violence in Rio de Janeiro. The limitations of this model notwithstanding, this analysis offers comparative insight about criminal networks and an acute understanding of how these networks form and sustain themselves, qualities that traditional ethnographies often cannot deliver. Finally, this book offers an important contribution to policy analysts of urban violence who are seeking lucid points of entry to a complex problem.

215 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Lazreg as mentioned in this paper argued that the Algerian war was against the French but not for the liberation of the country, as it ended by substituting one system of despotic rule for another, and the violence committed by the Sunni insurgents and more so by the Islamic terrorists was widespread and despicable enough to raise a serious question about the nature of culture of resistance.
Abstract: 1954. The existence of an unjust and defective colonial domination does not mean that people are going to rebel against it. For example, the British comfortably dominated India and the Ottoman Arab countries for several centuries. Although a minority, these settlers occupied a strategic location in the French ruling hierarchy that gives them virtual veto power over policies deemed inimical to their interests, contributing to the radicalization of the Algerian nationalist movement. Another key factor is the violent method used by the FLN against the settlers and Algerians. Lazreg only devotes a few pages to FLN and notes that the FLN methods were “also at times despicable and uncompromising” (p. 86), but ends by asserting that “their full range has yet to be documented” (p. 86). If, as Lazreg has made emphatically clear, the end does not justify the means, then FLN violence should have been a key explanatory factor in the creation of the mindset that was tolerant of torture, not just the generals’ loss of honor. And also, if the FLN violence was not defensible, then one should be as critical of the Islamic institutions for not speaking against it as one is against the Church for its failure to condemn torture against Algerians. Giving due weight to all these factors by no means diminishes French responsibility for the destruction of lives and property in Algeria. Nonetheless, it sheds light on the other side of the equation—Algerian culture and the methods Algerians used in the name of national liberation against the French. Arguably, the Algerian war was against the French but not for the liberation of the country, as it ended by substituting one system of despotic rule for another. If this is true, Lazreg is not justified in blaming colonialism for the actions of the Algerian government about half a century later against an Islamic fundamentalist guerrilla movement from 1992 to 2002 by stating that “the colonial method was replicated in a gesture that reinstalled the past into the present” (p. 258). Finally, Lazreg’s discussion of torture in Iraq under American occupation is cursory and unreflective. The violence committed by the Sunni insurgents and more so by the Islamic terrorists was widespread and despicable enough to raise a serious question about the nature of culture of “resistance” and challenge us to consider that what is at work is not just an “runaway” empire. If the reckless hatred perpetrated by religious extremists in Iraq is a serious factor hindering the formation of a functioning and responsive government, maybe we should revisit the situation of Algeria in this light. Can it be the case that the root of Algerian problems today may not lie in the colonialism of the past, but in the very mode of struggle the FLN chose to wage against France that produced a dysfunctional political order? And if one considers the situational factors seriously, then for those of us who are seriously interested in understanding the cultural impediments to democracy in the Middle East, a reasonable subtitle would have been “from Baghdad to Algiers.”

83 citations