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Author

Gaye Christopherson

Bio: Gaye Christopherson is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Terrorism. The author has an hindex of 1, co-authored 1 publications receiving 7 citations.
Topics: Terrorism

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26 Aug 2005
TL;DR: The number of U.S. forces involved in these operations range from 18,000 to just a few hundred as discussed by the authors, and some have argued that these operations are achieving a degree of success and suggest that they may offer some lessons that might be applied in Iraq as well as for future GWOT operations.
Abstract: : U.S. military operations in Afghanistan, Africa, the Philippines, and Colombia are part of the U.S.-initiated Global War on Terrorism (GWOT). These operations cover a wide variety of combat and non-combat missions ranging from fighting insurgents, to civil affairs and reconstruction operations, to training military forces of other nations in counternarcotics, counterterrorism, and counterinsurgency tactics. The numbers of U.S. forces involved in these operations range from 18,000 to just a few hundred. Some have argued that U.S. military operations in these countries are achieving a degree of success and suggest that they may offer some lessons that might be applied in Iraq as well as for future GWOT operations. Potential issues for Congress include the long-term U.S. military strategy in Southeast Asia and Africa, proposals for NATO to assume command of Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) in Afghanistan, and how counternarcotics operations in that country should be conducted. This report will not discuss the provision of equipment and weapons to countries where the U.S. military is conducting counterterrorism operations nor will it address Foreign Military Sales (FMS), which also are aspects of the Administration's GWOT military strategy. This report will be updated on a periodic basis.

32 citations

30 Nov 2004
TL;DR: In this paper, a case study of Abu Sayyaf by analyzing its organizational and operational tools in the maintenance of its terrorist capability is presented, and the government bureaucracy and its capability to respond to the threats posed by terrorism is examined.
Abstract: : The emergence of the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in the early 1990s represented the radicalization of the Filipino Muslim separatist movement. Despite the initial success of the joint Philippine and U.S. Balikatan exercise against the Abu Sayyaf in 2002, the ASG has continued to carry out attacks on lightly guarded or "soft" targets, the same way international terrorist groups have been known to do. The anarchic region of Central Mindanao has become a training base for Southeast Asian terror organizations and a refuge for Abu Sayyaf. The war on terrorism has changed the lives of the Filipinos and strained the capacities of the government. Over the years, the Philippines has fought terrorism in many ways. It has retaliated militarily, prosecuted terrorists, preempted terrorist attacks, implemented defensive measures, and addressed some of the causes of terrorism. To some degree, all suffer from limited effectiveness and applicability. This thesis analyzes the Philippine response to terrorism and determines how it should develop an effective strategy to counter terrorism. This study also discusses the government organizational structure and the problems faced by the Philippine government agencies in addressing the terrorism specifically posed by Abu Sayyaf. In addition, this thesis presents a case study of Abu Sayyaf by analyzing its organizational and operational tools in the maintenance of its terrorist capability. Finally, this thesis examines the government bureaucracy and its capability to respond to the threats posed by terrorism.

13 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that traditional scholarly theories and public debates on the importance of madrassahs are misguided because they only address top-down ideological indoctrination, and they provide a ready-made social network for males, giving religious an...
Abstract: This article addresses a key debate within the terrorism literature—the relative importance of madrassahs for training terrorists. It argues that the two contending positions—madrassahs are not important for recruitment of terrorists and madrassahs are breeding grounds for terror are both overstated. Using a dataset constructed from Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) members, the author finds that JI-linked radical madrassah exposure is strongly associated with terrorist activity and is associated with more important roles on terrorist operations in Indonesia. The article argues that traditional scholarly theories and public debates on the importance of madrassahs are misguided because they only address top-down ideological indoctrination. The author's theory is that radical madrassahs provide a staging ground for both top-down recruitment and the creation of focal points that lead to tight knit social networks that radicalize members. In effect, they provide a “ready-made social network” for males, “give religious an...

9 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Using the lens of strategic culture, this article explored how states from Europe and Asia have responded to the US-led "war on terror" and argued that the nature of the threat from international terrorism requires states in Europe and Asian to develop a range of external and internal policy responses, and that the United States has been more successful in imposing its counterterrorism priorities upon particular Asian states due to the absence of mature frameworks for international cooperation within the region.
Abstract: This article seeks to establish a context for the other contributions to this special issue. Using the lens of strategic culture, the article tries to explore how states from Europe and Asia have responded to the US-led ‘war on terror’. It argues that the nature of the threat from international terrorism requires states in Europe and Asia to develop a range of external and internal policy responses. Europe has been able to react to this changing strategic environment more successfully because of the pre-existing pattern of interstate cooperation as well as the organizational framework of the European Union. The United States has been more successful in imposing its counterterrorism priorities upon particular Asian states due to the absence of mature frameworks for international cooperation within the region.

7 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: Although governments around Southeast Asia bemoan their failing ability to control the flow of news and information in the Internet age, the terrorist attacks on the US and, in particular, those in Bali in October 2002, are likely to provide a fillip for the region's hard-liners, and underpin surveillance states in the region as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Although governments around Southeast Asia bemoan their failing ability to control the flow of news and information in the Internet age, the terrorist attacks on the US and, in particular, those in Bali in October 2002, are likely to provide a fillip for the region’s hard-liners, and underpin surveillance states in the region. As culture becomes a major factor in national security and international relations, the role of the media and communications technology in political change has become ambiguous. The Internet allows the high-tech mobilisation of radical constituencies, and threatens to shake dominant political visions and cultural traditions to the core. Although technology has allowed a greater share of voice for the disillusioned, the dispossessed and the disadvantaged, it is also an effective weapon in the hands of the state. With Southeast Asia’s silent majority prepared to sacrifice gains in democratic pluralism in return for security, the war on ‘terror’ will allow authoritarian governments to reel in many of the gains in freedom of speech only recently won and further alienate the Malay-Islamic communities, driving them into the arms of militant radicals.

5 citations