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Geneviève Piché

Bio: Geneviève Piché is an academic researcher from Carleton University. The author has an hindex of 1, co-authored 1 publications receiving 41 citations.

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze the empirical process of securitization of the US-Canada border and then reflect on the model proposed by the Copenhagen School, and conclude that there are inconsistencies between truth and discourse, as well as significant distinctions between official and bureaucratic discourses, further emphasizing the importance of a comprehensive model of security.
Abstract: . In this paper, the authors analyze the empirical process of securitization of the US–Canada border and then reflect on the model proposed by the Copenhagen School. We argue that securitization theory oversimplifies the political process of securitizing moves and audience acceptance. Rather than attributing securitization to a singular speaker addressing a specific audience, we present overlapping and ongoing language security games performed by varying relevant actors during the key period between the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act (IRTPA) in December 2004 and the signing of the Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP) in June 2005, showing how multiple speakers participate in the continuing construction of a context in which this issue is increasingly treated as a matter of security. We also explore the language adopted by participants in the field, focusing on an expert panel convened by the Homeland Security Institute. We conclude that in the securitization of the US–Canada border there are inconsistencies between truth and discourse, as well as significant distinctions between official and bureaucratic discourses, further emphasizing the importance of a comprehensive model of securitization.Resume. Dans cet article, les auteurs font l'analyse du processus empirique de la securisation de la frontiere Canado-Americaine a travers la reflexion sur le modele propose par l'Ecole de Copenhague. Nous soutenons que cette theorie de securisation simplifie trop le processus politique de son initiation et de l'acceptation de l'auditeur. Au lieu d'attribuer la securisation a un orateur, s'adressant a un public particulier, nous presentons les jeux de langage continuels effectues par plusieurs acteurs pendant la periode suivant la Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act (IRTPA) en decembre 2004, jusqu'a l'approbation de la Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP) en juin 2005. Nous maintenons que plusieurs orateurs participent dans la construction continuelle du contexte dans lequel l'affaire est de plus en plus comprise dans le cadre de securite. Nous explorons aussi le langage employe par les participants dans le champ, observant surtout un groupe d'experts convoque au Homeland Security Institute. Nous concluons que dans le cas de la securisation de la frontiere Canado-Americaine il existe des incoherences entre le discours et le reel, ainsi que des distinctions significatives entre les discours officiels et bureaucratiques, mettant l'accent sur l'importance d'un modele comprehensif de securisation.

46 citations


Cited by
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors assess the role of the audience in securitization theory and argue that the audience must be theorized as an actor in order to accurately capture its role.
Abstract: This article assesses the role of the audience in securitization theory. The main argument is that in order to accurately capture the role of the securitization audience, it must be theorized as an...

88 citations

01 Jan 2017
TL;DR: In this paper, a theory of the contentious politics of emotion and security is proposed to understand how security arguments often provoke a wider range of emotional reactions, many of which frustrate and constrain state officials' attempts to frame issues as security problems.
Abstract: International Relations (IR) theory commonly holds security arguments as powerful instruments of political mobilization because they work to instill, circulate, and intensify popular fears over a threat to a community. Missing from this view is how security arguments often provoke a much wider range of emotional reactions, many of which frustrate and constrain state officials’ attempts to frame issues as security problems. This dissertation offers a corrective by outlining a theory of the contentious politics of emotion and security. Drawing inspiration from a variety of different social theorists of emotion, including Goffman’s interactionist sociology, this approach treats emotions as emerging from distinctive repertoires of social interaction. These emotions play a key role in enabling audiences to sort through the sound and noise of security discourse by indexing the significance of different events to our bodies. Yet popular emotions are rarely harmonious; they’re socialized and circulated through a myriad of different pathways. Different repertoires of interaction in popular culture, public rituals, and memorialization leave audiences with different ways of feeling about putative threats. The result is mixed and contentious emotions which shape both opportunities and constraints for new security policies. The empirical purchase of this theory is illustrated with two cases drawn from the Canadian context: indigenous protest and the F-35 procurement. Both represent cases where attempts by state officials to frame an issue as a security problem were frustrated and constrained by a contentious politics of emotion. In the conclusion, I argue these findings should push IR theorists to adopt a more circumspect view of the mobilization of fear, and a greater awareness of how emotions can play a key role in constituting the limits of the politics of security.

28 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors build upon Soysal's early work on post-national citizenship as constituting sites of resistance in contemporary European politics, and propose that in addition to a focus on the exceptional and on elite speech acts, we need to recognise that it is through everyday practices that people engage in (de)securitising strategies and practices that both rely upon and contest notions of belonging and borders.
Abstract: This article builds upon Yasemin Soysal's early work on post-national citizenship as constituting sites of resistance in contemporary European politics. Post-national citizenship provides every person with the right and duty of participation in the authority structures and public life of a polity, regardless of their historical ties to that community. This celebration of human rights as a world-level organising principle is, however, constantly challenged by liberal discourses and practices aimed to securitise identities and citizenships through the bordering of space, place and identities. Proceeding from a critical take on securitisation, we propose that in addition to a focus on the exceptional and on elite speech acts, we need to recognise that it is through everyday practices that people engage in (de)securitising strategies and practices that both rely upon and contest notions of belonging and borders. We exemplify by looking at two (diverse) minority communities in Britain and Canada that have been...

22 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The two decades since September 11, 2001 have witnessed a dramatically reoriented landscape in policy domains of critical importance to Canada-U.S., all of which have highlighted the need for great...
Abstract: The two decades since September 11, 2001 have witnessed a dramatically reoriented landscape in policy domains of critical importance to Canada-U.S., all of which have highlighted the need for great...

16 citations