Harold Brown

Bio: Harold Brown is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: National security & Arms control. The author has an hindex of 6, co-authored 13 publications receiving 233 citations.

Chinese military power : report of an independent task force sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations, Maurice R. Greenberg Center for Geoeconomic Studies

Abstract: In response to concerns about China's comprehensive military modernization, the Council on Foreign Relations formed an Independent Task Force to assess the current level of Chinese military power and its potential future growth. The Task Force found that China is pursuing a deliberate course of military modernization, but is at least two decades behind the United States in terms of military technology and capability. Moreover, if the United States continues to dedicate significant resources to improving its military forces, as expected, the balance between the United States and China, both globally and in Asia, is likely to remain decisively in America's favor beyond the next twenty years. This timely and important report provides policymakers and the public with a pragmatic and nonpartisan approach to measuring the development of Chinese military power. It recommends specific milestones to gauge the pace of Chinese military modernization as China acquires limited power-projection capability and outlines key indicators that would signal major shifts away from these current priorities. Chaired by Dr. Harold Brown, former secretary of defense, and Admiral (Ret.) Joseph W. Prueher, former U.S. ambassador to China and former commander in chief of the U.S. Pacific Command, the Task Force consisted of individuals with extensive China and U.S. foreign policy experience, including former U.S. government officials, business leaders, policy analysts, and scholars.

The concept of security

Abstract: Redefining ‘security’ has recently become something of a cottage industry.E.g. Lester Brown, Redefining National Security, Worldwatch Paper No. 14 (Washington, DC, 1977); Jessica Tuchman Matthews, ‘Redefining Security’, Foreign Affairs, 68 (1989), pp. 162-77; Richard H. Ullman, ‘Redefining Security’, International Security, 8 (1983), pp. 129-53; Joseph J. Romm, Defining National Security (New York, 1993); J. Ann Tickner, ‘Re-visioning Security’, in Ken Booth and Steve Smith (eds.), International Relations Theory Today (Oxford, 1995), pp. 175-97; Ken Booth, ‘Security and Emancipation’, Review of International Studies, 17 (1991), pp. 313-26; Martin Shaw, ‘There Is No Such Thing as Society: Beyond Individualism and Statism in International Security Studies’, Review of International Studies, 19 (1993), pp. 159-75; John Peterson and Hugh Ward, ‘Coalitional Instability and the New Multidimensional Politics of Security: A Rational Choice Argument for US-EU Cooperation’, European Journal of International Relations, 1 (1995), pp. 131-56; ten articles on security and security studies in Arms Control, 13, (1992), pp. 463-544; and Graham Allison and Gregory F. Treverton (eds.), Rethinking America's Security: Beyond Cold War to New World Order (New York, 1992). Most such efforts, however, are more concerned with redefining the policy agendas of nation-states than with the concept of security itself. Often, this takes the form of proposals for giving high priority to such issues as human rights, economics, the environment, drug traffic, epidemics, crime, or social injustice, in addition to the traditional concern with security from external military threats. Such proposals are usually buttressed with a mixture of normative arguments about which values of which people or groups of people should be protected, and empirical arguments as to the nature and magnitude of threats to those values. Relatively little attention is devoted to conceptual issues as such. This article seeks to disentangle the concept of security from these normative and empirical concerns, however legitimate they may be.

The Evolution of International Security Studies

Abstract: International Security Studies (ISS) has changed and diversified in many ways since 1945. This book provides the first intellectual history of the development of the subject in that period. It explains how ISS evolved from an initial concern with the strategic consequences of superpower rivalry and nuclear weapons, to its current diversity in which environmental, economic, human and other securities sit alongside military security, and in which approaches ranging from traditional Realist analysis to Feminism and Post-colonialism are in play. It sets out the driving forces that shaped debates in ISS, shows what makes ISS a single conversation across its diversity, and gives an authoritative account of debates on all the main topics within ISS. This is an unparalleled survey of the literature and institutions of ISS that will be an invaluable guide for all students and scholars of ISS, whether traditionalist, ‘new agenda’ or critical. • The first book to tell the post-1945 story of International Security Studies and offer an integrated historical sociology of the whole field • Opens the door to a long-overdue conversation about what ISS is and where it should be going • Provides a detailed institutional account of ISS in terms of its journals, departments, think tanks and funding sources

Stereotypes and Prejudice in Conflict: Representations of Arabs in Israeli-Jewish Society

Abstract: Preface Introduction General overview 1. The psychological basis of intergroup relations 1.1 Intergroup behaviour 1.2 Psychological intergroup repertoire 1.3 Formation of the psychological intergroup repertoire 1.4 Conclusions 2. Psychological intergroup repertoire in intractable conflicts 2.1 Intractable conflicts 2.2 Societal beliefs in intractable conflicts 2.3 Negative psychological intergroup repertoire 2.4 Conclusions 3. The context: The Arab-Israeli intractable conflict 3.1 Socio-cultural context 3.2 The intractable nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict 3.3 The Jewish narrative of the Arab-Israeli conflict 3.4 Israeli Jewish ethos of conflict 3.5 Conclusions 4. Representation of Arabs in public discourse 4.1 The impact of mass media 4.2 Public discourse before the establishment of the State 4.3 Public discourse by leaders 4.4 Public discourse through the media in the State of Israel 4.5 Research on the presentation of Palestinians in the Israeli mass media 4.6 Research on the presentation of Arab citizens of the State of Israel in the media 4.7 Conclusions 5. Representation of Arabs in school textbooks 5.1 Presentation of Arabs in school textbooks of the pre-state period 5.2 Presentation of Arabs in school textbooks from 1948 up to the early 1970s 5.3 Presentation of Arabs in school textbooks between the mid 1970s and 1990s 5.4 Conclusions 6. Representation of Arabs in cultural products 6.1 Adult Hebrew literature 6.2 Children's literature 6.3 Hebrew drama 6.4 Israeli films 6.5 Conclusions 7. Representation of Arabs by Israeli Jews: review of empirical research 7.1 Psychological repertoire towards Arabs 7.2 Views about Arab-Israeli relations 7.3 Views about Arabs 7.4 Citizens of Israel 7.5 Conclusions 8. The development of shared psychological intergroup repertoire in a conflict: theory and methods 8.1 The cognitive foundations of social representations 8.2 Personality development, personality states, and social representations 8.3 The context of social representations 8.4 An integrative developmental-contextual approach for the acquisition and development of stereotypes and prejudice 8.5 Assessment of children's social representations - general considerations 8.6 Conclusions 9. Studies with preschoolers 9.1 Objectives and overview 9.2 Words, concepts, identities, stereotypes, and attitudes 9.3 Images, stereotypes, and attitudes in different social environments 9.4 General discussion 9.5 Conclusions 10. Studies with school children, adolescents, and young adults 10.1 Objectives and overview 10.2 Image acquisition 10.3 Influences of specific environments 10.4 Differentiation and generalisation 10.5 Sense of knowledge, perceived similarity, and perceived quality of relations as predictors of stereotypes and attitudes 10.6 General discussion 10.7 Conclusions 11. The reflection of social images in human figure drawing 11.1 The development and meaning of drawings 11.2 Obtaining and scoring the drawings 11.3 Scoring the beliefs and intentions questionnaire 11.4 Research overview and objectives 11.5 General discussion 11.6 Conclusions 12. General conclusions and implications 12.1 Conclusions 12.2 Changing the shared psychological intergroup repertoire of people involved in intractable conflict: general observations 12.3 Changing the psychological intergroup repertoire in the context of intractable conflict: thoughts about intervention 12.4 Final words 12.5 References.

Deterrence and Influence in Counterterrorism: A Component in the War on Al Qaeda

Abstract: It may not be possible to deter fanatical terrorists, but members of terrorist systems may be amenable to influence. The U.S. counterterrorism strategy should therefore include political warfare, placing at risk things the terrorists hold dear, a credible threat of force against states or groups that support acquisition of weapons of mass destruction, and maintaining cooperation with other nations engaged in the war on terror, while also preserving core American values. (JDL)

Democracy and Military Effectiveness A Deeper Look

Abstract: Why are democracies unusually successful in war? We find that superior human capital, harmonious civil-military relations, and Western cultural background are largely responsible. These traits correlate positively with democracy, and account for democracy’s apparent effectiveness bonus. This is either good news or bad news for democratic effectiveness theorists. Many believe that democracy causes these traits. If so, our findings strengthen democratic effectiveness theory by explicating its causal mechanism. But others see democracy as a consequence rather than a cause of such traits. If so, our findings challenge the thesis by identifying alternative causes of the effectiveness bonus previously attributed to democracy. Either way, the results show a powerful effect for unit level variables in military performance. In the process, these same results sharpen our understanding of military effectiveness in general, and the relationship between military performance and regime type in particular.