Author
I Ketut Surajaya
Bio: I Ketut Surajaya is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Territorial dispute & Bureaucracy. The author has an hindex of 2, co-authored 2 publications receiving 6 citations.
Topics: Territorial dispute, Bureaucracy
Papers
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01 Mar 2018
TL;DR: In this paper, the formation of the gakubatsu school clique of University of Tohkyo and also the support of the university graduates in government offices were discussed.
Abstract: University of Tōkyō, established in 1877, has many bright graduates who ruled in government offices for years. All graduates from this university are known as ‘gakubatsu’ (school clique of) University of Tōkyō. This research described the formation of ‘gakubatsu’ University of Tōkyō and also ‘gakubatsu’ network, which supported other University of Tōkyō, graduates in the government offices. Based on the research, the success of University of Tōkyō graduates in government offices were actually caused by supports of senior graduates who already had important title in government offices, and all related to the university ‘gakubatsu’. The research is conducted through literature review and historical approaches.
3 citations
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01 Feb 2018
TL;DR: In this paper, the focus of the research was on conflict between Japan and China over SenkakuIsland, which had started since 14th century and emerged to surface between 1968 and 2016.
Abstract: The focus of this research was on conflict between Japan and China over SenkakuIsland, which had started since 14th century and emerged to surface between 1968 and 2016. The interest of the topic was on the conflict of these two countries on their claim over SenkakuIsland. The main idea of the research was on historical resources and dynamic analyzes over disputed teritory until now. This research based on historical research method to analyze books or resources related to the topic. Based on data analyses, Japan and China takes long time to solve the dispute. Aside of some negotiated alternative solutions; both conflicting parties have decided to solve the case at the international court.
3 citations
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6 citations
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TL;DR: The authors used data on published opinions to test whether Japanese judges from the most selective schools are more likely to reach the Supreme Court, finding only weak evidence of possible favoritism toward Kyoto University graduates, and no evidence of favoritism towards Tokyo University graduates.
Abstract: Scholars (e.g., Chalmers Johnson) routinely argue that university cliques dominate Japanese firms and bureaucracies. The graduates of the most selective schools, they explain, control and manipulate their employer. They cause it to hire from their alma mater. They skew internal career dynamics to favor themselves. For most firms and bureaucracies, we lack the data on employee-level output necessary to test whether cliques do skew career tournaments. Because judges publish opinions, within the courts we may have what we need. In this article, I use data on published opinions to test whether Japanese judges from the most selective schools are more likely -- holding output constant -- to reach the Supreme Court. They are not. I find only weak evidence of possible favoritism toward Kyoto University graduates, and no evidence of favoritism toward Tokyo University graduates. Japanese judges do not find themselves named to the Court because of their school backgrounds. They find themselves named there because they are unusually productive.
4 citations
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01 Jun 2018
TL;DR: In this paper, a qualitative analysis of Japanese perspective of the amendment plan of the 1947 Japan Constitution that Prime Minister Abe wants to do was done by historical research method and literature study.
Abstract: In the 1947Japan Constitution, there is article 9 whose contents relates to Japan's foreign policy and demilitarization affair. Prime Minister Abe plans to amend Article 9 because the article restricts Japan's use of military force in resolving disputes or international conflicts so that Japan's capability is limited especially in the field of security and defense. The plan raises pros and cons in Japan society. This paper explains Japanese perspective of the amendment plan of the 1947 Japan Constitution that Prime Minister Abe wants to do. The analysis shows that majority of Japanese reject the plan. Japan until now has refused to participate in any form of war or to strengthen its military power, arguing fear of Japan to repeat of the past mistake in World War II. This research was done by historical research method and literature study. The analysis in this research is qualitative with descriptive analysis technique.
2 citations
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21 Dec 2015TL;DR: However, it is proved that administrative or bureaucratic reforms have not been successful during that period as mentioned in this paper, because there were still much politicking and vested interests involved in the bureaucratic system which was influenced by hegemonic and crony system.
Abstract: Reforms are usually come out when a country is encountering a crisis. When Japan was totally destructed at the end of World War II, a crisis of identity and public trust to the government, together with the tight supervision and intervention of Allied power under the SCAP (Supreme Commander for the Allied Power), gave all possibilities for the significant economic and political reforms in the country. During the period of Allied occupation in 1945-1952, therefore, Japanese monolithic political system and the strong adherence to the Emperor have been changed into a more democratic and pluralistic system. This fundamental change established a strong basis for Japan to boost economic activities with even higher growth.
However, it is proved that administrative or bureaucratic reforms have not been successful during that period. There were still much politicking and vested interests involved in the bureaucratic system which was influenced by hegemonic and crony system. This was because SCAP adopted an "indirect administration system" during the occupation period with lack of commitment for administrative reforms. There are some lessons which can be learnt by Indonesian policy makers. Among others, one important thing is that bureaucrats are usually havk. a high resilience for administrative reforms. To materialize a big change, reformers have to consider the culture and conduct reform with a strong political will and commitment.
2 citations