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Ismail Ferhat

Bio: Ismail Ferhat is an academic researcher from University of Picardie Jules Verne. The author has contributed to research in topics: Humanities & Political science. The author has an hindex of 1, co-authored 4 publications receiving 8 citations.

Papers
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a transnational and interdisciplinary approach linking political history and educational studies is presented, based on archives, documents and publications from the International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam), and on documents held by several national archives and libraries.
Abstract: Student movements during «the Long Sixties» had a profound impact on Western politics and societies. One of the major political families in Western Europe, the social-democratic parties, were particularly affected. A major governmental force in a majority of Western European democracies, their post-war views on education, founded on optimistic and careful prospects (democratization of schools, progressive reforms) were destabilized by student protests and radicalism. How did social democrats react to the strong criticism of the universities, pedagogies and hierarchies in educational institutions that they had helped to build? This article is based on archives, documents and publications from the Socialist International, kept at the International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam), and on documents held by several national archives and libraries. It uses a transnational and interdisciplinary approach, linking political history and educational studies.

6 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, since 1989 and the first ‘Muslim headscarf affair’, faith-related conflicts in those institution have been reported in French state schools as discussed by the authors, and since 1989, religious matters have traditionally been considered as a sensitive subject in state schools.
Abstract: Religious matters have traditionally been considered as a sensitive subject in French state schools. Since 1989 and the first ‘Muslim headscarf affair’, faith-related conflicts in those institution...

1 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A mutation decisive a eu lieu for la laicite scolaire, apprehendee de maniere croissante par le biais de l-islam (entendu comme l'ensemble des populations and des pratiques s’en reclamant) as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Le syndicalisme enseignant (entendu ici comme l’ensemble des syndicats d’enseignants du secteur scolaire public) est historiquement en France l’un des champs organisationnels les plus en faveur de la laicite scolaire. L’attachement revendique a cette valeur a constitue un des rares points de ralliement de ce champ par ailleurs divise. Cette situation a cependant connu des changements de 1968 a la loi du 15 mars 2004. Durant cette periode, une mutation decisive a eu lieu pour la laicite scolaire, apprehendee de maniere croissante par le biais de l’islam (entendu comme l’ensemble des populations et des pratiques s’en reclamant). Cette montee de la question musulmane n’est pas allee sans creer de forts debats et tensions au sein du syndicalisme enseignant. La maniere d’apprehender cette mutation a tout a la fois fragmente et modifie le rapport a la laicite scolaire de ce secteur.

1 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , a littérature savante et administrative anglo-saxonne, les rapports de l’institution scolaire aux classes populaires blanches restent moins présents dans les sciences de l'éducation et de la formation françaises.
Abstract: Sujet montant dans la littérature savante et administrative anglo-saxonne, les rapports de l’institution scolaire aux classes populaires blanches restent moins présents dans les sciences de l’éducation et de la formation françaises. L’article s’appuie sur les résultats d'une enquête collective et interdisciplinaire sur le territoire éducatif picard (intitulée « Preuve »). Elle souligne combien les politiques éducatives locales ont précocement culturalisé les difficultés éducatives qui pouvaient y exister. Sans nommer et viser explicitement les classes populaires blanches, elles ont contribué, des années 1960 aux années 2010, à en redéfinir le lien à l’école sous le signe du retard culturel. Celui-ci a fini par devenir un cadre prégnant des politiques éducatives locales, dont de nombreux choix (implantation d’établissement, financement, orientations stratégiques) étaient en partie reliés au caractère supposément « a-scolaire » ou « inapte » des jeunes issus de ce groupe social.

1 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Poucet et al. as discussed by the authors positione son travail dans les travaux et tendances de recherche sur la laïcité scolaire.
Abstract: La laïcité scolaire a à la fois été un enjeu majeur de l’histoire politico-éducative de la nation française et un aspect crucial du travail de recherche de Bruno Poucet. Depuis son travail sur la FEP-CFDT (syndicat de l’enseignement privé) jusqu’à son implication au sein du groupe de travail transnational « Laïc education », cette question du rapport entre religieux, pouvoirs publics et école a irrigué une partie importante de ses travaux. Comment se positionne son travail dans les travaux et tendances de recherche sur la laïcité scolaire ? Quelles caractéristiques et tendances ont marqué son œuvre sur ce sujet ?

Cited by
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the Western countries, Scandinavia and Finland included, the legacy of the student movement of the 1960s has been extensive and established a fixed narrative of a radical movement as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In the Western countries, Scandinavia and Finland included, the legacy of the student movement of the 1960s has been extensive and established a fixed narrative of a radical movement. This article ...

7 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2013

4 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The year 1968 was a momentous year of spontaneous rebellion around the world as mentioned in this paper, and a wave of protests by environmental, civil rights, anti-war and pro-equality movements swept the world (Kurlansky, 2005).
Abstract: The year 1968 was a momentous year of spontaneous rebellion around the world. Throughout that year, a wave of protests by environmental, civil rights, anti-war and pro-equality movements swept the world (Kurlansky, 2005). A disproportionally large number of these protests was organised or supported by university students (Werenskjold, 2010), culminating in, e.g. the “May event” in France or the “Tlatelolco massacre” in Mexico. Environmental movements, civil rights movements, anti-capitalist and anti-communist movements, and other emancipatory movements that are concerned with what we now call sustainable development, can trace their origins or rallying point to 1968 (Klimke and Scharloth, 2008). Paradoxically, this revolt may have destabilised progressive politics while unifying conservatives, paving the way for the current global neoliberal clamp-down (Ferhat, 2019; Harvey, 2007; Hilton, 2016).

4 citations

01 Jan 2020
TL;DR: In this paper, a partir de deux enquetes qualitatives dans des etablissements scolaires francais, the authors examine la maniere dont les enseignante·s mobilisent le registre de la culture for interpreter certaines situations scolaire mettant en jeu l'islam, and reagir face a elles.
Abstract: A partir de deux enquetes qualitatives dans des etablissements scolaires francais, cet article examine la maniere dont les enseignant·e·s mobilisent le registre de la culture pour interpreter certaines situations scolaires mettant en jeu l’islam, et reagir face a elles. Les perceptions des enseignant·e·s rencontrees lors de ces deux recherches sont heterogenes et varient selon leurs profils et leurs contextes d’enseignement. Si les categorisations negatives de l’islam sont globalement repandues dans le corps enseignant, elles n’ont pas toujours d’effets pratiques, et sont meme parfois en decalage avec une gestion routiniere de l’islam plutot marquee par un certain pragmatisme.

3 citations

Dissertation
01 Jan 1992
TL;DR: The P. S. I. U. A. as discussed by the authors split in September 1958 and formed the independent socialist party which then joined the larger party in April 1960, by a republican reaction against may 13, 1958 and the institutions of the Vth republic.
Abstract: Born in 1956, a socialist current inside the S. F. I. O. , split in September 1958 and formed the independent socialist party which then joined the larger party, the P. S. U. In April 1960. At that time conditions were not favorable for a minority to appear inside the S. F. I. O. : the party leader was at the apogee of his influential power, whereas the groups of oppositions were partly discredited, and the rank and file were hardly interested in colonial problems. Governing by "delegates" implied solidarity among the militants. The minority was first of all the result of a moral,"dreyfusard" reaction against what had appeared as a reserved attitude and a drifting away of the policy led by the official socialist party. Then, however, preoccupied with their party engagement and legal action, and thus wavering, they integrated themselves, comfortably into the parliamentarian mentality. They neither led nor took part in any concrete, public action against the war before 1958. Under pressure of a minority among the rank and file and of ideological overlap with other organizations, they were forced to split, by a republican reaction against may 13, 1958 and the institutions of the Vth republic. Those who were responsible for this movement wanted to maintain a socialist organization independent from the new political system. In two waves, separated by one year, the split drained nearly all the leaders of the minority and most of those who were responsible for the creation of the socialist committee for the study and action towards peace in Algeria. The P. S. A. Also gathered other minor socialist currents as well as groups belonging to the non-communist left wing, such as the "mendesists". The P. S. U. Was rapidly organized, without clarifying an internal or external policy with the other movements which formed the P. S. U.

2 citations