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James Raymond Vreeland

Other affiliations: University of Washington, Georgetown University, Yale University  ...read more
Bio: James Raymond Vreeland is an academic researcher from Princeton University. The author has contributed to research in topics: Politics & Transparency (behavior). The author has an hindex of 34, co-authored 76 publications receiving 7463 citations. Previous affiliations of James Raymond Vreeland include University of Washington & Georgetown University.


Papers
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors address the strengths and weaknesses of the main available measures of political regime and extend the dichotomous regime classification first introduced in Alvarez et al. (Stud. Comp. Int. Dev. 31(2):3-36, 1996).
Abstract: We address the strengths and weaknesses of the main available measures of political regime and extend the dichotomous regime classification first introduced in Alvarez et al. (Stud. Comp. Int. Dev. 31(2):3–36, 1996). This extension focuses on how incumbents are removed from office. We argue that differences across regime measures must be taken seriously and that they should be evaluated in terms of whether they (1) serve to address important research questions, (2) can be interpreted meaningfully, and (3) are reproducible. We argue that existing measures of democracy are not interchangeable and that the choice of measure should be guided by its theoretical and empirical underpinnings. We show that the choice of regime measure matters by replicating studies published in leading journals.

1,922 citations

Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that governments enter IMF programs for economic and political reasons, and find that the effects are negative on economic growth and income distribution, and that the negative effects of IMF programs are mitigated for certain constituencies since programs also have distributional consequences.
Abstract: Why do governments turn to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and with what effects? This book argues that governments enter IMF programs for economic and political reasons, and finds that the effects are negative on economic growth and income distribution. By bringing in the IMF, governments gain political leverage - via conditionality - to push through unpopular policies. Note that if governments desiring conditions are more likely to participate, estimating program effects is not straightforward: one must control for the potentially unobserved political determinants of selection. This book addresses the selection problem using a dynamic bivariate version of the Heckman model analyzing cross-national time-series data. The main finding is that the negative effects of IMF programs on economic growth are mitigated for certain constituencies since programs also have distributional consequences. But IMF programs doubly hurt the least well off in society: they lower growth and shift the income distribution upward.

610 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Research published in the American Political Science Review shows that anocracies are more susceptible to civil war than are either democracies or republics as mentioned in this paper, and that anocratic regimes are defined by the middle of the Polity index of political regime.
Abstract: Research published in the American Political Science Review shows that anocracies—as defined by the middle of the Polity index of political regime—are more susceptible to civil war than are either ...

560 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a bivariate, dynamic version of the Heckman selection model is used to estimate the effect of participation in International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs on economic growth, and they find evidence that governments enter into agreements with the IMF under the pressures of a foreign reserves crisis but they also bring in the Fund to shield themselves from the political costs of adjustment policies.

548 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors investigated whether temporary members of the UN Security Council receive favorable treatment from the World Bank, using panel data for 157 countries over the period 1970-2004, and found a robust positive relationship between temporary UNSC membership and the number of World Bank projects a country receives, even after accounting for economic and political factors.

439 citations


Cited by
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors address the strengths and weaknesses of the main available measures of political regime and extend the dichotomous regime classification first introduced in Alvarez et al. (Stud. Comp. Int. Dev. 31(2):3-36, 1996).
Abstract: We address the strengths and weaknesses of the main available measures of political regime and extend the dichotomous regime classification first introduced in Alvarez et al. (Stud. Comp. Int. Dev. 31(2):3–36, 1996). This extension focuses on how incumbents are removed from office. We argue that differences across regime measures must be taken seriously and that they should be evaluated in terms of whether they (1) serve to address important research questions, (2) can be interpreted meaningfully, and (3) are reproducible. We argue that existing measures of democracy are not interchangeable and that the choice of measure should be guided by its theoretical and empirical underpinnings. We show that the choice of regime measure matters by replicating studies published in leading journals.

1,922 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the adoption of liberal economic practices is highly clustered both temporally and spatially, and the authors hypothesize that this clustering might be due to processes of policy diffusion.
Abstract: One of the most important developments over the past three decades has been the spread of liberal economic ideas and policies throughout the world. These policies have affected the lives of millions of people, yet our most sophisticated political economy models do not adequately capture influences on these policy choices. Evidence suggests that the adoption of liberal economic practices is highly clustered both temporally and spatially. We hypothesize that this clustering might be due to processes of policy diffusion. We think of diffusion as resulting from one of two broad sets of forces: one in which mounting adoptions of a policy alter the benefits of adopting for others and another in which adoptions provide policy relevant information about the benefits of adopting. We develop arguments within these broad classes of mechanisms, construct appropriate measures of the relevant concepts, and test their effects on liberalization and restriction of the current account, the capital account, and the exchange rate regime. Our findings suggest that domestic models of foreign economic policy making are insufficient. The evidence shows that policy transitions are influenced by international economic competition as well as the policies of a country's sociocultural peers. We interpret the latter influence as a form of channeled learning reflecting governments' search for appropriate models for economic policy.

1,383 citations