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Jennifer Frost

Bio: Jennifer Frost is an academic researcher from University of Auckland. The author has contributed to research in topics: Hollywood & Welfare. The author has an hindex of 6, co-authored 15 publications receiving 105 citations.

Papers
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01 Nov 2005
TL;DR: In this article, from campus to community, a social movement is built from the bottom-up, from Campus to Community, and communities and constituents are organized from the top-down.
Abstract: AcknowledgmentsList of Abbreviations Introduction 1 From Campus to Community 2 Building a Social Movement 3 Communities and Constituents 4 Organizing from the Bottom Up 5 Strategic Revisions 6 Rede?ning Goals7 Disbanding Projects, Gathering Movements Conclusion Notes Selected Bibliography Index About the Author

33 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors describe an assessment innovation in 2008 that expanded both the frequency and variety of activities completed by 182 undergraduates taking a course on the history of African-American freedom struggles.
Abstract: History courses at The University of Auckland are typically assessed at two or three moments during a semester. The methods used normally employ two essays and a written examination answering questions set by the lecturer. This study describes an assessment innovation in 2008 that expanded both the frequency and variety of activities completed by 182 undergraduates taking a course on the history of African‐American freedom struggles. All week‐by‐week tutorial assignments were collected for textual analysis to see if students were moving beyond the recollection and regurgitation of facts (surface learning) and instead were dealing with the deeper historical issues. The quality of student work coupled with our own classroom observations indicate that innovative assessment methods at regular moments during the semester made a positive difference to the student learning experience.

14 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Hedda Hopper is known as the great rival of William Randolph Hearst's Hollywood columnist, Louella Parsons as discussed by the authors, who found ways of her own to incorporate highly charged political opinions alongside privileged accounts of Hollywood celebrity culture.
Abstract: Hedda Hopper is known as the great rival of William Randolph Hearst’s Hollywood columnist, Louella Parsons. But in her columns and radio broadcasts, Hopper found ways of her own to incorporate highly charged political opinions alongside privileged accounts of Hollywood celebrity culture. Working with the Hopper papers at the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, this essay reveals the ways in which the columnist’s conservative political agenda dealt with domestic issues, appropriate responses to the outbreak of war in Europe, and the aftermath of the Pearl Harbor attack. Hopper’s leading role in the anti-communist movement which affected Hollywood in the post-war period is seen the logical continuation of her earlier positions.

12 citations

BookDOI
17 Mar 2022
TL;DR: Frost as discussed by the authors traces the ways in which New Left and community activists did in fact put forward a prescriptive, even visionary, alternative to the welfare state, treating these diverse political approaches as inextricably intertwined.
Abstract: Choice Outstanding Academic Title 2002 Community organizing became an integral part of the activist repertoire of the New Left in the 1960s. Students for a Democratic Society, the organization that came to be seen as synonymous with the white New Left, began community organizing in 1963, hoping to build an interracial movement of the poor through which to demand social and political change. SDS sought nothing less than to abolish poverty and extend democratic participation in America. Over the next five years, organizers established a strong presence in numerous low-income, racially diverse urban neighborhoods in Chicago, Cleveland, Newark, and Boston, as well as other cities. Rejecting the strategies of the old left and labor movement and inspired by the Civil Rights Movement, activists sought to combine a number of single issues into a broader, more powerful coalition. Organizers never limited themselves to today's simple dichotomies of race vs. class or of identity politics vs. economic inequality. They actively synthesized emerging identity politics with class and coalition politics and with a drive for a more participatory welfare state, treating these diverse political approaches as inextricably intertwined. While common wisdom holds that the New Left rejected all state involvement as cooptative at best, Jennifer Frost traces the ways in which New Left and community activists did in fact put forward a prescriptive, even visionary, alternative to the welfare state. After Students for a Democratic Society and its community organizing unit, the Economic Research and Action Project, disbanded, New Left and community participants went on to apply their strategies and goals to the welfare rights, women’s liberation, and the antiwar movements. In her study of activism before the age of identity politics, Frost has given us the first full-fledged history of what was arguably the most innovative community organizing campaign in post-war American history.

8 citations


Cited by
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TL;DR: Novick as discussed by the authors argues that the Holocaust became more ubiquitous in American cultural and political life after 1968 than it had been in the postwar years, rejecting psychoanalytically informed accounts that explain this lag in terms of "trauma" or "repression."
Abstract: The Holocaust in American Life. By Peter Novick. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1999. Pp. 1, 373. Cloth, $27.00) In this engaging and important study, Peter Novick undertakes two primary tasks: to offer an historical account of how the Holocaust became such a prominent feature of American cultural and political life, and to question the widely held assumption that this prominence is an inherently good thing. In addition to these goals, Novick seeks to debunk the claim that the Holocaust stands apart from other atrocities as a unique purveyor of moral lessons. Indeed, he takes his case one step further by contending that, in the end, the Holocaust may actually offer no moral lessons at all. In tracing the history of the Holocaust in American life, Novick is largely successful. Like other recent scholarship on this themes, Novick argues that, while Americans were not silent about Nazi atrocities during and immediately after the war, the "Holocaust" was not recognized as a discrete historical event until decades later. In contending that the Holocaust became more ubiquitous in American cultural and political life after 1968 than it had been in the postwar years, Novick rejects psychoanalytically informed accounts that explain this lag in terms of "trauma" or "repression." Drawing on a wide range of published and unpublished sources, Novick argues that in the years following World War II, public discussion of the Holocaust was muted because it ran counter not only to the aims of organized American Jewry, but to the broader cultural and political climate of postwar America. The demands of the Cold War and the new alliance between Germany and the United States required that Stalinism, rather than the Holocaust, be cast as the most damning crime of the modern age. Leaders of the American Jewish community promulgated this view and were largely silent about the Holocaust in an attempt to dispel stereotypes that identified Jews with both Bolshevism and eternal victimhood. An excessive public preoccupation with the Holocaust was seen as incompatible with a rapidly assimilating American Jewish community, determined to participate fully in euphoric postwar prosperity. While the destruction of European Jewry was surely a "widely shared Jewish sorrow" during these years, it was, according to Novick, a sorrow shared largely in private. By the mid-1960s, this had begun to change. Novick cites the 1961 trial of Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann and the subsequent publication of Hannah Arendt's controversial Eichmann in Jerusalem as two of the major catalysts for a growing public discussion of the Holocaust. A less obvious claim is that the heightened public preoccupation with the Holocaust in the late 1960s and 1970s coincided with the birth of identity politics, reflecting both a broader shift away from an integrationist ethos to a particularist one, and the growth of a "victim culture" that increasingly valorized oppression and suffering over heroism. While not everyone may agree with Novick's implicitly critical definition of identity politics, this is an important dimension of his argument, for it offers a compelling, if only partial explanation for the ubiquity of the Holocaust in contemporary American life. It was only within a political culture that valorized victimization that the Holocaust could become the locus of so many strong and contradictory feelings, including possessiveness, proprietariness, envy, and resentment. Novick is also interested in how, by the late 1960s, a growing public Holocaust discourse reflected the shifting priorities of organized American Jewry, and here, too, he offers an illuminating account of how Jewish leaders once reticent about the Holocaust were now placing it at the top of their political agendas. In their concern over escalating rates of intermarriage and waning interest in organized Judaism, leaders now seized on the Holocaust in order to shore up a sense of American Jewish identity and to caution American Jews against the dangers of complacency. …

736 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century as mentioned in this paper is a book about black leadership, politics, and culture in the twenty-first century.
Abstract: (1997). Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century. History: Reviews of New Books: Vol. 25, No. 2, pp. 55-55.

186 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Fussell as discussed by the authors goes behind the familiar diplomacy and heroics of history to examine the blunders, petty tyrannies, inconveniences, and deprivations that are many British and American people's memory of the Second World War.
Abstract: The Second World War has been romanticized almost beyond recognition by 'the sentimental, the loony patriotic, the ignorant, and the bloodthirsty.' In this readable and penetrating study, Paul Fussell goes behind the familiar diplomacy and heroics of history to examine the blunders, petty tyrannies, inconveniences, and deprivations that are many British and American people's memory of the War. There are lively sections on the role of drinking, tobacco, and sex in the war and on the home front; on propaganda; about writers and magazines who recorded the war or who attempted to keep aloft literary standards in a difficult time; on wartime slang and graphic recollections of the nightmare of combat. Written with a keen intelligence and deep emotion, Wartime is a worthy companion to Fussell's The Great War And Modern Memory , which won an American National Book Award and the National Critics Circle prize.

129 citations