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John Jay

Bio: John Jay is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Federalist & Constitution. The author has an hindex of 13, co-authored 61 publications receiving 1010 citations.


Papers
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Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2009
TL;DR: In this article, it is argued that as all these exterior provisions are found to be inadequate, the defect must be supplied, by so contriving the interior structure of the government as that its several constituent parts may, by their mutual relations, be the means of keeping each other in their proper places.
Abstract: TO WHAT expedient, then, shall we finally resort, for maintaining in practice the necessary partition of power among the several departments, as laid down in the Constitution? The only answer that can be given is, that as all these exterior provisions are found to be inadequate, the defect must be supplied, by so contriving the interior structure of the government as that its several constituent parts may, by their mutual relations, be the means of keeping each other in their proper places. Without presuming to undertake a full development of this important idea, I will hazard a few general observations, which may perhaps place it in a clearer light, and enable us to form a more correct judgment of the principles and structure of the government planned by the convention.

114 citations

Book
03 Mar 2016
TL;DR: The Federalist is the clearest insight into what the Founding Fathers really meant as mentioned in this paper, and it includes a number of Hamiltonian documents, including his "Continentalist" essays, which served as a precursor to The Federalist, as well as his plan for the new government.
Abstract: The Federalist is the clearest insight into what the Founding Fathers really meant. This special volume is taken from the rare 1864 edition edited by John Church Hamilton, Alexander Hamilton's son. It includes a number of Hamiltonian documents, including his "Continentalist" essays, which served as a precursor to The Federalist, as well as his plan for the new government.

88 citations


Cited by
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that these political reforms can be viewed as strategic decisions by the political elite to prevent widespread social unrest and revolution, while the extension of the franchise changes future political equilibria and acts as a commitment to redistribution.
Abstract: During the nineteenth century most Western societies extended voting rights, a decision that led to unprecedented redistributive programs. We argue that these political reforms can be viewed as strategic decisions by the political elite to prevent widespread social unrest and revolution. Political transition, rather than redistribution under existing political institutions, occurs because current transfers do not ensure future transfers, while the extension of the franchise changes future political equilibria and acts as a commitment to redistribution. Our theory also offers a novel explanation for the Kuznets curve in many Western economies during this period, with the fall in inequality following redistribution due to democratization. I. INTRODUCTION The nineteenth century was a period of fundamental political reform and unprecedented changes in taxation and redistribution. Britain, for example, was transformed from an ‘‘ oligarchy’’ run by an elite to a democracy. The franchise was extended in 1832 and then again in 1867 and 1884, transferring voting rights to portions of the society with no previous political representation. The decades after the political reforms witnessed radical social reforms, increased taxation, and the extension of education to the masses. Moreover, as noted by Kuznets, inequality, which was previously increasing, started to decline during this period: the Gini coefficient for income inequality in England and Wales had risen from 0.400 in 1823 to 0.627 in 1871, but fell to 0.443 in 1901. Two key factors in the reduction in inequality were the increase in the proportion of skilled workers [Williamson 1985] and the redistribution of income toward the poorer segments of the society. For example, taxes rose from 8.12 percent of National Product in 1867 to 18.8 percent by 1927, and the progressivity of the tax system increased substantially (see Lindert [1989]).

1,320 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors identify seven types of accountability mechanisms and consider their applicability to states, NGOs, multilateral organizations, multinational corporations, and transgovernmental networks, and identify opportunities for improving protections against abuses of power at the global level.
Abstract: Debates about globalization have centered on calls to improve accountability to limit abuses of power in world politics. How should we think about global accountability in the absence of global democracy? Who should hold whom to account and according to what standards? Thinking clearly about these questions requires recognizing a distinction, evident in theories of accountability at the nation-state level, between “participation” and “delegation” models of accountability. The distinction helps to explain why accountability is so problematic at the global level and to clarify alternative possibilities for pragmatic improvements in accountability mechanisms globally. We identify seven types of accountability mechanisms and consider their applicability to states, NGOs, multilateral organizations, multinational corporations, and transgovernmental networks. By disaggregating the problem in this way, we hope to identify opportunities for improving protections against abuses of power at the global level.

1,137 citations

Posted Content
TL;DR: This paper argued that these political reforms can be viewed as strategic decisions by political elites to prevent widespread social unrest and revolution, which led to unprecedented redistributive programs in the nineteeth century.
Abstract: During the nineteeth century, most Western societies extended the franchise, a decision which led to unprecedented redistributive programs. We argue that these political reforms can be viewed as strategic decisions by political elites to prevent widespread social unrest and revolution.

713 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, two competing hypotheses about what features are initially missed during the acquisition of spatial adjectives are reviewed and the missing-feature theory itself is put to a test and will be found wanting.
Abstract: In this section two competing hypotheses about what features are initially missed during the acquisition of spatial adjectives will be reviewed. Following this review, the missing-feature theory itself will be put to a test and will be found wanting. In the next section a revision of the missingfeature theory will be developed. 1 But there is no doubt in my mind that animals can do very many complex things of which we have not the faintest inkling, and I think even the study of vocalization is still promising for the linguist.2 Yes, my countrymen, I own to you that, after having given it an attentive consideration, I am clearly of opinion it is your interest to adopt it [the Constitution].3 The reader will be pleased to remember, that, at the beginning of the second book of this history, we gave him a hint of our intention to pass over several large periods of time, in which nothing happened worthy of being recorded in a chronicle of this kind.4 Many different answers to this question would be worth serious consideration. But I submit that these selections, written by different people at different times for very different purposes, are stylistically most similar in that they all include a significant portion of some kind or kinds of metadiscourse. Metadiscourse is a term that perhaps is new to many composition teachers. For although it and some very similar terms have some currency in linguistics

700 citations

Posted Content
TL;DR: In the Anglo-American constitutional tradition, judicial checks and balances are often seen as crucial guarantees of freedom as discussed by the authors, and Hayek distinguishes two ways in which the judiciary provides such checks: judicial independence and constitutional review.
Abstract: In the Anglo†American constitutional tradition, judicial checks and balances are often seen as crucial guarantees of freedom Hayek distinguishes two ways in which the judiciary provides such checks and balances: judicial independence and constitutional review We create a new database of constitutional rules in 71 countries that reflect these provisions We find strong support for the proposition that both judicial independence and constitutional review are associated with greater freedom Consistent with theory, judicial independence accounts for some of the positive effect of common†law legal origin on measures of economic freedom The results point to significant benefits of the Anglo†American system of government for freedom

572 citations