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Kavita N. Ramdas

Bio: Kavita N. Ramdas is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Ratification & American exceptionalism. The author has an hindex of 1, co-authored 1 publications receiving 6 citations.

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Journal Article
TL;DR: The U.S. ratification of CEDAW has faced significant challenges from the American right, led by the late Senator Jesse Helms and conservative organizations who rallied support by claiming that the treaty would result in "demanding abortion" and "decriminalizing prostitution".
Abstract: THE CONVENTION ON the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) has been one of the most broadly supported international treaties since its adoption by the United Nations 30 years ago. Since its inception, I86 UN member states have ratified the convention, showing their commitment to achieving gender equality worldwide. It remains a mystery to many, therefore, that, to date, the United States remains one of a small minority of countries that have not ratified this treaty designed to ensure equality between women and men and advance women's rights across the world. The U.S. ratification of CEDAW has historically faced significant challenges from the American right, led by the late Senator Jesse Helms and conservative organizations who rallied support by claiming that the treaty would result in "demanding abortion" and "decriminalizing prostitution." However, in the past, prominent Republicans including Orrin Hatch, John McCain, and Colin Powell have supported ratification. Recently, the Obama administration has demonstrated a renewed interest in CEDAW, with prominent support coming from President Obama, Vice President Joe Biden, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and Legal Counsel to the State Department Harold Kon, in addition to key senators such as Barbara Boxer and John Kerry. For many advocates of women's rights, these seem like hopeful indicators that the Senate Foreign Relations Committee will consider ratification of the convention again in the near future, which we believe would be a positive step for the United States and for women across the globe. These revitalized efforts to ratify CEDAW have also been met with renewed opposition from the right. Conservative arguments in opposition to CEDAW are rooted in American exceptionalism, misinterpretations of the treaty itself, and a glorification of women's traditional roles as mothers, wives, and caregivers. They rely on an intense dose of fear-mongering about the potential destructive impact of CEDAW, which conservatives argue threatens family life in the United States with radical about its "sexual egalitarianism." Furthermore, in making these arguments, conservatives stir latent xenophobia, warning us that the CEDAW periodic reviews by a body of foreign experts cannot be better at meeting the moral challenges of equity than our own democratic institutions. And they seem most appalled at CEDAW's Article 5(a), which seeks to "achieve the elimination of prejudices and customary and all other practices which are based on the inferiority or superiority of either of the sexes or on stereotyped roles for men and women." Conservatives believe this to be particularly harmful because it risks eradicating gender roles altogether, which they view as a threat to the fiber of our society even if it is these very roles which threaten the well-being not only of women but everyone. These types of arguments against CEDAW have also been prominent among the religious right, such as the D.C.-based Family Research Council and groups like Concerned Women for America, whose mission is "to protect and promote Biblical values among all citizens" and whose vision is "for women and like-minded men, from all walks of life, to come together and restore the family to its traditional purpose." Opposition to U.S. ratification of CEDAW has not only surfaced from the right. Opponents have also come from the left, albeit to a lesser degree. For example, opponents from the left fear that signing CEDAW will be a symbolic gesture that would amount to sweeping the problem under the carpet instead of creating meaningful change for women in the U.S. who experience discrimination on the basis of sex. Other liberals oppose the U.S. ratification of CEDAW because they claim that the equality framework on which the treaty was developed is outdated. For example, feminist theorists pose the paradox of a rights-based approach that, by working specifically to address women's subordination, in some ways further entrenches women's subordinate positions as opposed to liberating them. …

6 citations


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01 Jan 2014
TL;DR: In 1979, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which is often described as the international bill of rights for women.
Abstract: In 1979, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which is often described as the international bill of rights for women. Adopting such a women-specific treaty was considered necessary because, notwithstanding the existence of general human rights treaties, the widespread and systematic discrimination of women in all spheres of life was still a global reality. CEDAW defines what constitutes discrimination against women and frames an agenda for action to end such discrimination. All countries in Eastern Europe and Central Asia have ratified CEDAW and are therefore under a legal obligation to implement the measures foreseen by the Convention. By having done so, they have committed themselves to undertake all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women. This includes an obligation to ensure that state authorities prevent and respond to gender based violence, including in the health sector.

37 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The United States is one of the seven countries that are yet to ratify the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).
Abstract: Despite the large number of reservations registered by Member countries, making it one of the, if not the, most heavily reserved human rights treaties; the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) has managed to achieve a very high rate of states‟ membership [1]. Currently, 187 countries out of the 193 United Nations Members are parties to CEDAW [2]. What is strange to digest, however, is the fact that the United States is one of the seven countries that are yet to ratify the Convention [3]. This article provides an insight into the position of the United States from the ratification of CEDAW. It examines the merits of arguments made for and against the ratification and their rationale to provide a better understanding that explains what is considered by many as a buzzling stand of the United States from the Convention.

7 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 2015
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the United States failed to ratify the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) due to the belief that women's rights are already "covered".
Abstract: Why did the United States fail to ratify the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women? This overarching question forms the basis of this paper and will be answered using an array of primary and secondary sources. This paper gleans most of its evidence from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Hearings of 1994 and 2002, letters from both President Jimmy Carter and former Secretary of State Colin Powell, Congressional Research Service reports on CEDAW from 2013 and 2007, several Senators’ statements in the Congressional Record, Congressional testimony, and the text of the CEDAW treaty. This paper integrates these primary sources with secondary sources, citing legal analyses by former Attorney General Harold Hongju Koh, positions taken by lobby groups such as Amnesty International, the Heritage Foundation, and Concerned Women for America, the text, “Circle of Empowerment” by CEDAW Committee veteran Hannah-Beate Schopp-Schilling, and research on the legislative impact of CEDAW by Dutch legal analyst Rikki Holtmaat. This paper contends that CEDAW’s failure stemmed from: 1) the belief that U.S. women’s rights are already “covered,” 2) the convergence of federalism and inherent constitutional restrictions, 3) the belief that CEDAW will subvert American sovereignty, and, 4) distorted interpretations of the CEDAW Committee’s recommendations.

3 citations

01 Jan 2014
TL;DR: White et al. as mentioned in this paper explored factors that motivated African American women to buy a home, how the type of subprime loan used was identified, their knowledge of the subprime loans, their experience of buying a home and their postpurchase experience of becoming a homeowner.
Abstract: African American Women’s Perception of Subprime Lending Practices on Their Home Buying Knowledge and Behaviors by John Howard White MA, Walden University, 2010 BS, Morgan State University, 1993 Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Public Policy and Administration Walden University December 2014 Abstract The subprime mortgage lending practices from 1995 to 2007 were disproportionately concentrated on minority and low income neighborhoods of the United States. Despite the negative effects of subprime loans, these loans are regaining popularity. The purpose of this phenomenological research study was to bridge the gap in knowledge about their effect on African American women by exploring the home buying knowledge and behaviors of African American women between 2004 and 2007 in a southern state. Ajzen and Fishbein’s theory of planned behavior served as the theoretical framework of this study, which explored factors that motivated African American women to buy a home, how the type of subprime loan used was identified, their knowledge of subprime loans, their experience of buying a home, and their postpurchase experience of becoming a homeowner. Data were collected through a demographic questionnaire and semistructured interviews with a snowball sample of 20 participants. Data were analyzed using the phenomenological method of thematic coding. Findings indicated that participants believed they were taken advantage of by realtors and loan servicers, were mostly unaware about the type of subprime loan used to purchase their homes, and later found out about the problems with subprime loans after conducting their own research. The implications for positive social change are directed at policymakers to focus attention and resources on understanding and addressing the experiences of African American women by expanding access to prime lending markets, better regulating subprime lending terms more effectively, and empowering African American women to be knowledgeable and vigilant about the drawbacks of subprime mortgages.The subprime mortgage lending practices from 1995 to 2007 were disproportionately concentrated on minority and low income neighborhoods of the United States. Despite the negative effects of subprime loans, these loans are regaining popularity. The purpose of this phenomenological research study was to bridge the gap in knowledge about their effect on African American women by exploring the home buying knowledge and behaviors of African American women between 2004 and 2007 in a southern state. Ajzen and Fishbein’s theory of planned behavior served as the theoretical framework of this study, which explored factors that motivated African American women to buy a home, how the type of subprime loan used was identified, their knowledge of subprime loans, their experience of buying a home, and their postpurchase experience of becoming a homeowner. Data were collected through a demographic questionnaire and semistructured interviews with a snowball sample of 20 participants. Data were analyzed using the phenomenological method of thematic coding. Findings indicated that participants believed they were taken advantage of by realtors and loan servicers, were mostly unaware about the type of subprime loan used to purchase their homes, and later found out about the problems with subprime loans after conducting their own research. The implications for positive social change are directed at policymakers to focus attention and resources on understanding and addressing the experiences of African American women by expanding access to prime lending markets, better regulating subprime lending terms more effectively, and empowering African American women to be knowledgeable and vigilant about the drawbacks of subprime mortgages. African American Women’s Perception of Subprime Lending Practices on Their Home Buying Knowledge and Behaviors by John Howard White MA, Walden University, 2010 BS, Morgan State University, 1993 Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Public Policy and Administration Walden University December 2014 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my mother, Sharon Lizette Sanford, who died February 25, 2013. My mother was my educational inspiration. I thank God every day for allowing me to have had a great mom who provided the necessary tools to get me through this point of realizing the dream of pursuing my PhD. Your hands on me will never be forgotten. I love you and thank you. Acknowledgments I would like to take the time to thank the many countless individuals who have had my back during this journey of pursuing my PhD. I would like to especially thank my wife, Marie Nancy White, for her support and patience during this process. I would like to thank my Chair, Dr. Robert Schaefer, and my Committee Member, Dr. Anthony Fleming, for guiding me through the dissertation process and giving me hope and faith when I did not have anything in the tank. I would also like to thank my University Research Reviewer, Dr. Linda Day, for her guidance. I am so grateful to you all. I also have to thank Dr. Carolyn Rose-Smith for her advice and help during the tough times I experienced when I hit a wall in pursuing this journey. Lastly, I would like to give thanks to my family and friends and even those who have come into my life to encourage me when times had gotten tough. Your hands on my life will never be forgotten as well. I thank everyone. God, if not for you, my life would be nothing. I first and foremost thank you for your ever changing hands.

2 citations