Koenraad Abts

Bio: Koenraad Abts is an academic researcher from Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. The author has contributed to research in topics: European integration & Democracy. The author has an hindex of 12, co-authored 57 publications receiving 864 citations. Previous affiliations of Koenraad Abts include Tilburg University.

Populism versus democracy

Abstract: This article provides a comparative conceptual analysis of the logic of populism and the logic of (constitutional) democracy. Populism is defined as a thin-centered ideology which advocates the sovereign rule of the people as a homogeneous body. The logic of this ideology is further developed in reference to the work of Carl Schmitt and is shown to generate all the characteristics typically ascribed to populism. The logic of democracy is analyzed on the basis of the work of Claude Lefort and defined as a regime in which the locus of power remains an empty place. This analysis replaces the widespread model of constitutional democracy as a paradoxical combination of a constitutional and a democratic pillar. This two-pillar model fails to appreciate the internal coherence and some of the main features of the (constitutional) democratic logic. Thereby, the two-pillar approach gives rise to an understanding of populism as continuous with the democratic promise of constitutional democracy. In contrast, our anal...

Varieties of Euroscepticism and Populist Mobilization: Transforming Attitudes from Mild Euroscepticism to Harsh Eurocynicism

Abstract: Eurosceptics may differ in intensity, and in their arguments for opposing the European Union (EU), by focusing their critiques on different political targets and/or aspects of Europeanization. The generic label of Euroscepticism may incorporate sceptical, cynical or oppositional attitudes. We try therefore to develop a two-dimensional conceptualization by combining both the targets and the degree of popular discontent towards the EU and European integration. The first axis differentiates between attitudes towards the authorities, the regime and the community, while the second axis differentiates attitudes according to their degree of reflexivity and negativism. Investigating simultaneously both dimensions of political discontent, we can chart different types of Euroscepticism on a sliding scale of political attitudes, which runs from trust, over scepticism to political distrust, cynicism and alienation. In the final section, we show how political entrepreneurs are able to tap into mass attitudes towards the EU and European integration. Given that most citizens do not have fixed views on Europe, populism is capable of feeding a downward spiral from Euroscepticism to more diffuse discontent like Eurocynicism.

Defending Democracy: The Concentric Containment of Political Extremism

Abstract: In this article we develop a concentric containment policy for dealing with political extremism starting from the deliberative model of democracy. This model of democracy is particularly well suite...

Sources of Euroscepticism: Utilitarian Interest, Social Distrust, National Identity and Institutional Distrust

Abstract: This article attempts to analyse and improve the individual-level approaches to the study of public Euroscepticism in Belgium. In recent literature, three approaches focusing on instrumental, cultural and political cues can be distinguished. First, the utilitarian approach associates Euroscepticism with economic interests. Second, the cultural approach draws on cultural attitudes and affective identities. Third, the political approach associates support for European integration with political efficacy and institutional trust. Drawing upon Belgian data from the IntUne Project 2007, some interesting conclusions about the sources of Euroscepticism can be derived. The results show that negative evaluations of the egocentric benefits of European membership, social distrust in European fellow citizens and institutional distrust in the EU are the most important determinants of Euroscepticism, while education, national attachment, exclusive identity, actor-oriented distrust, and political inefficacy have a smaller, but significant impact. The popular theses of the objective losers and subjective losers of Europeanization are largely rejected. Only low educated people are more sceptical about Europe, whereas workers have a more positive attitude towards Europe.

Minimizing survey refusal and noncontact rates: do our efforts pay off?

Abstract: This study investigates the link between the effort undertaken to collect survey data and the nonresponse error on a key survey estimate. For this purpose a threefold analysis was conducted. First, the level of nonresponse error and its composition is charted. Second, it is investigated whether these levels change throughout the fieldwork period. This helps answering the question whether collecting more data implies higher data quality. This type of analysis also provides a possible framework for a dynamic process control during the fieldwork period. A third and final analysis links interviewer efforts (in terms of number of contact attempts) to nonresponse error and its composition. The results show that error due to noncontact is 2.6 times higher than error due to refusal, even though the refusal rate is almost two times higher than the noncontact rate. Also, the results suggest that collecting more data does not necessarily imply higher data quality and that a higher number of contact attempts does not markedly reduce the nonresponse error in absolute terms. The analysis uncovers the underlying process responsible for this latter finding.

Nations and Nationalism

Abstract: Series Editor's Preface. Introduction by John Breuilly. Acknowledgements. 1. Definitions. State and nation. The nation. 2. Culture in Agrarian Society. Power and culture in the agro-literature society. The varieties of agrarian rulers. 3. Industrial Society. The society of perpetual growth. Social genetics. The age of universal high culture. 4. The Transition to an Age of Nationalism. A note on the weakness of nationalism. Wild and garden culture. 5. What is a Nation. The course of true nationalism never did run smooth. 6. Social Entropy and Equality in Industrial Society. Obstacles to entropy. Fissures and barriers. A diversity of focus. 7. A Typology of Nationalisms. The varieties of nationalist experience. Diaspora nationalism. 8. The Future of Nationalism. Industrial culture - one or many?. 9. Nationalism and Ideology. Who is for Nuremberg?. One nation, one state. 10. Conclusion. What is not being said. Summary. Select bibliography. Bilbliography of Ernest Gellner's writing: Ian Jarvie. Index

Internet, phone, mail and mixed-mode surveys: the tailored design method: reseña

Abstract: Resena de la obra de Don A. Dillman, Jolene D. Smyth y Leah Melani Christian: Internet, Phone, Mail and Mixed-Mode Surveys. The Tailored Design Method. New Jersey: John Wiley and Sons

Democracy and Its Critics

Abstract: The course is focused on historical texts, most of them philosophical. Context for understanding the texts and the course of democratic development will be provided in lecture and discussions, and by some background readings (Dunn). We begin with the remarkable Athenian democracy, and its frequent enemy the Spartan oligarchy. In Athens legislation was passed directly by an assembly of all citizens, and executive officials were selected by lot rather than by competitive election. Athenian oligarchs such as Plato more admired Sparta, and their disdain for the democracy became the judgment of the ages, until well after the modern democratic revolutions. Marsilius of Padua in the early Middle Ages argued for popular sovereignty. The Italian citystates of the Middle Ages did without kings, and looked back to Rome and Greece for republican models. During the English Civil War republicans debated whether the few or the many should be full citizens of the regime. The English, French, and American revolutions struggled with justifying and establishing a representative democracy suitable for a large state, and relied on election rather than lot to select officials. The English established a constitutional monarchy, admired in Europe, and adapted by the Americans in their republican constitution. The American Revolution helped inspire the French, and the French inspired republican and democratic revolution throughout Europe during the 19 century.