This thesis attempts to promote Christian-Buddhist dialogue based on Buddhist notion of social engagement and the Christian vision of the Kingdom of God in the context of the suffering people of Myanmar. Primarily, it aims to address social realities in order to advocate justice, peace and social harmony in Myanmar.

Christian–Buddhist Dialogue in Myanmar: A Spirituality of Involvement in Social and Ethical Transformation

The National Laws of Myanmar: Making of Statelessness for the Rohingya

We present a new aggregation method - called SVM algorithm - and use this technique to produce novel measures of democracy (186 countries, 1960-2014). The method takes its name from a machine learning technique for pattern recognition and has three notable features: it makes functional assumptions unnecessary, it accounts for measurement uncertainty, and it creates continuous and dichotomous indices. We use the SVM indices to investigate the effect of democratic institutions on economic development, and find that democracies grow faster than autocracies. Furthermore, we illustrate how the estimation results are affected by conceptual and methodological changes in the measure of democracy. In particular, we show that instrumental variables cannot compensate for measurement errors produced by conventional aggregation methods, and explain why this failure leads to an overestimation of regression coefficients.

https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/176949/1/cesifo1_wp6930.pdf

Machine Learning Indices, Political Institutions, and Economic Development

The Rohingya is a Muslim ethnic minority group in Rakhine State of Myanmar. It is now established but controversial fact that the Rohingya is a stateless population of the world who has found shelter across vast swathes of Asia mainly in Bangladesh, and also in India, Pakistan, Thailand and Malaysia. But a majority of Rohingyas are living in various camps of Bangladesh with statelessness identity. Recently, the UN warns that the Rohingya children who are living in various camps of Bangladesh would be the lost generations of the world. This article discusses the aspects of “stateless community” and “lost generation” of the world’s most persecuted people-the Rohingya.

Rohingya-The Stateless Community Becoming the Lost Generation

Military forces have had many important roles in political life in Southeast Asia where the military has a full power or major role and influence in the domestic politics. These forms of military intervention in domestic politics are called praetorianism, which is characterized by the military being more inclined to take care of domestic political affairs rather than carrying out its professional duties as guardians of sovereignty from external threats. We can find this practice from seeing the New Order regime in Indonesia to the Military Junta of Myanmar and Thailand. This paper aims to analyze what factors are the background of the widespread practice of praetorianism and how the practice can last for a certain period of time, even still to this day in Southeast Asia. The main argument is the weak political institutions and the low political culture of developing country are the main causes of various intervention efforts made by the armed forces in the domestic political realm of a country.

/pdf/rethinking-the-emergence-and-the-practice-of-three-3esr80pn2y.pdf

Rethinking the Emergence and the Practice of Three Praetorian States in Southeast Asia: A Comparative Study between Indonesia, Myanmar and Thailand

The paper is an attempt to analyze the military rule in Myanmar from 1962-1988. Myanmar gained its Independent from British Empire in 1948 under Burmese Independent Army. The root of military in Myanmar has been associated with the struggle for independent. The first military rule began in 1958 and direct military rule started when Ne Win captured power through a military coup in 1962 lasted for 12 years, in the claim to save the country from disintegration. During this period there was some democratic landscape in the form of election, giving rights to the citizen to elect and to stand for election. The paper argues that democratic landscape in Myanmar was only in theory. In this paper the period from 19621988 is divided into two phase, the phase of direct military rule and the phase of constitutional dictatorship. The paper further tries to find out the foreign policy during military regime.

http://www.isca.in/IJSS/Archive/v3/i10/8.ISCA-IRJSS-2014-173.pdf

Myanmar under the Military Rule 1962-1988

This paper addresses the notion of electronic economics by examining financial technology (fintech) firms' performance and corporate governance quality, using data from the United States. The findings support our maintained assumption that due to the economics of electronic platforms perused by financial technology firms, these firms outperform firms from other industries (non-Fintech). The final sample comprises 1,712 company-year observations between 2010 and 2019 (pre-COVID-19). The evidence suggests that our corporate governance quality index, developed from Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development (www.oecd.org/corporate/corporate-governance-factbook.htm, 2019) guidelines, accurately captures corporate governance quality in the United States, principally due to the inclusion of an anti-bribery policy indicator, in the index. The results suggest that this evidence is not merely an artefact due to the corporate governance quality index potentially capturing priced risk factors. Our findings reveal that fintech firms have superior corporate governance quality than non-fintech and that fintech firms place more reliance on internal versus external corporate governance mechanisms, vis-a-vis companies in other industries. 

/pdf/does-electronic-economics-matter-to-financial-technology-2nhf4bxd.pdf

Konsam Shakila Devi

Papers

Myanmar under the Military Rule 1962-1988

Does electronic economics matter to financial technology firms?