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Lanny Thompson

Bio: Lanny Thompson is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Sovereignty & Supreme court. The author has an hindex of 1, co-authored 1 publications receiving 66 citations.

Papers
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The incorporation doctrine of incorporation, as elaborated in legal debates and legitimated by the U.S. Supreme Court, excluded the inhabitants of Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam from the body politic of the United States on the basis of their cultural differences from dominant European American culture as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The doctrine of incorporation, as elaborated in legal debates and legitimated by the U.S. Supreme Court, excluded the inhabitants of Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam from the body politic of the United States on the basis of their cultural differences from dominant European American culture. However, in spite of their shared legal status as unincorporated territories, the U.S. Congress established different governments that, although adaptations of continental territorial governments, were staffed largely with appointed imperial administrators. In contrast, Hawai9i, which had experienced a long period of European American settlement, received a government that followed the basic continental model of territorial government. Thus, the distinction between the incorporated and unincorporated territories corresponded to the limits of European American settlement. However, even among the unincorporated territories, cultural evaluations were important in determining the kinds of rule. The organic act for Puerto Rico provided for substantially more economic and judicial integration with the United States than did the organic act for the Phillippines. This followed from the assessment that Puerto Rico might be culturally assimilated while the Phillippines definitely could not. Moreover, religion was the criterion for determining different provincial governments within the Phillippines. In Guam, the interests of the naval station prevailed over all other considerations. There, U.S. government officials considered the local people to be hospitable and eager to accept U.S. sovereignty, while they largely ignored the local people9s language, culture, and history. In Guam, a military government prevailed.

67 citations


Cited by
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Journal ArticleDOI
Julian Go1
TL;DR: In this article, a global fields approach for conceptualizing the global arena is developed, which builds upon existing approaches to the world system and world society while articulating them with the field theory of Bourdieu and organizational sociology.
Abstract: This article develops a global fields approach for conceptualizing the global arena. The approach builds upon existing approaches to the world system and world society while articulating them with the field theory of Bourdieu and organizational sociology. It highlights particular structural configurations (“spaces of relations”) and the specific cultural content (“rules of the game” and “symbolic capital”) of global systems. The utility of the approach is demonstrated through an analysis of the different forms of the two hegemonic empires of the past centuries, Great Britain and the United States. The British state tended toward formal imperialism in the 19th century, characterized by direct territorial rule, while the United States since WWII has tended toward informal imperialism. The essay shows that the difference can be best explained by considering the different historical global fields in which the two empires operated.

160 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that only one kind of vertical stratification, governance hierarchy, actually challenges the states-under-anarchy framework, and argue that political formations with elements of these ideal types are likely ubiquitous at multiple scales of world politics, including within, across, and among sovereign states.
Abstract: Many scholars now argue for deemphasizing the importance of international anarchy in favor of focusing on hierarchy – patterns of super- and subordination – in world politics. We argue that only one kind of vertical stratification, governance hierarchy, actually challenges the states-under-anarchy framework. But the existence of such hierarchies overturns a number of standard ways of studying world politics. In order to theorize, and identify, variation in governance structures in world politics, we advocate a relational approach that focuses on three dimensions of hierarchy: the heterogeneity of contracting, the degree of autonomy enjoyed by central authorities, and the balance of investiture between segments and the center. This generates eight ideal-typical forms: national-states and empires, as well as symmetric and asymmetric variants of federations, confederations, and conciliar systems. We argue that political formations – governance assemblages – with elements of these ideal types are likely ubiquitous at multiple scales of world politics, including within, across, and among sovereign states. Our framework suggests that world politics is marked by a heterarchy of nested and overlapping political structures. We discuss broad implications for international-relations theory and comparative politics, and illustrate our approach through an analysis of contemporary China and the evolution of the British ‘Empire’ in the 19th and 20th centuries.

79 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Rafael as discussed by the authors argues that such a relationship cannot be understood apart from a critical appreciation of the Americanization of English, which is to say its translation from an imperial into a national language that required the reorganization of the nation’s linguistic diversity into a hierarchy of languages resulting in the emergence of a monolingual hegemony.
Abstract: Vicente Rafael’s 2009 essay inquires into the relationship between translation and empire in the United States. It argues that such a relationship cannot be understood apart from a critical appreciation of the Americanization of English, which is to say its translation from an imperial into a national language that required the reorganization of the nation’s linguistic diversity into a hierarchy of languages resulting in the emergence of a monolingual hegemony. However, this American notion of translation as monolingual assimilation was always contested, and we can see its limits in the context of the recent US occupation of Iraq. As an examination of the vexed position of Iraqi translators working for the US military shows, attempts to deploy American notions of translation in war have devolved instead into the circulation of what in fact remains untranslatable and so unassimilable to US imperialist Typesetter : please add the following date at base of the first page of this chapter :2009projects.

59 citations

Book ChapterDOI
15 Oct 2014

50 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, the authors defined the science of politics as comprising of three parts: the nature of the relation between a sovereign government and its subjects, the relations between the sovereign governments of independent communities, and the relation of a dominant and a dependent community.
Abstract: Political scientists in early-twentieth-century America who traced the nineteenth-century origins of their field pointed to the British theorist and statesmen, George Cornewall Lewis (1806–1863). His best-known work is An Essay on the Government of Dependencies (1841). Lewis defined the science of politics as comprising three parts: the nature of the relation between a sovereign government and its subjects, the relation between the sovereign governments of independent communities, and “the relation of a dominant and a dependent community; or, in other words, the relation of supremacy and dependence.” Modern writers, however, had not yet taken up the nature of the political relation of supremacy and dependency in any systematic way.

48 citations