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Author

Mark Blyth

Other affiliations: Johns Hopkins University
Bio: Mark Blyth is an academic researcher from Brown University. The author has contributed to research in topics: International political economy & Politics. The author has an hindex of 28, co-authored 69 publications receiving 5186 citations. Previous affiliations of Mark Blyth include Johns Hopkins University.


Papers
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Book
01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: In this paper, Blyth analyzes the two periods of deep seated institutional change that characterized the twentieth century: the 1930s and the 1970s, and demonstrates the critical role economic ideas played in making institutional change possible.
Abstract: This book picks up where Karl Polanyi's study of economic and political change left off. Building upon Polanyi's conception of the double movement, Blyth analyzes the two periods of deep seated institutional change that characterized the twentieth century: the 1930s and the 1970s. Blyth views both sets of changes as part of the same dynamic. In the 1930s labor reacted against the exigencies of the market and demanded state action to mitigate the market's effects by 'embedding liberalism.' In the 1970s, those who benefited least from such 'embedding' institutions, namely business, reacted against these constraints and sought to overturn that institutional order. Blyth demonstrates the critical role economic ideas played in making institutional change possible. Great Transformations rethinks the relationship between uncertainty, ideas, and interests, achieving profound new insights on how, and under what conditions, institutional change takes place.

1,201 citations

Book
01 Jan 2013
TL;DR: Austerity is the order of the day in Europe, but Professor Mark Blyth argues that austerity is a very dangerous idea and does not work as mentioned in this paper, arguing that all we do is shrink the economy.
Abstract: Austerity is the order of the day in Europe, but Professor Mark Blyth argues that austerity is a very dangerous idea and does not work. While it makes sense for any one state to try and cut its way to growth, it simply cannot work when all states try it simultaneously: all we do is shrink the economy. Presenter: Paul Barclay Guest: Mark Blyth Professor of International Political Economy at Brown University

1,187 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the transformation of the Swedish model of economic regulation from an ideational perspective and highlights the centrality of ideational contestation for understanding institutional change in general, emphasizing the importance of the politics of ideas.
Abstract: This article examines the transformation of the Swedish model of economic regulation from an ideational perspective. While the majority of arguments about the decline of the Swedish model have focused on the role of structural factors, this article looks to illuminate the ideational factors that made possible both the emergence and the transformation of the Swedish model. The article details how, during the 1930s and 1940s, economic ideas provided the Swedish state and its trade union allies with the means to construct the institutions of the Swedish model. By the 1970s, however, Swedish business suffered diminishing returns to continued participation within these institutions and responded to labor's challenges by adopting a two-pronged strategy of withdrawal from and ideological contestation of labor's supporting institutions. The politics of ideas was key in this regard. During the 1980s Swedish business marshaled alternative economic ideas to contest and thus delegitimate existing institutions and the patterns of distribution they made possible. Swedish business thus began the process of overturning the Swedish model long before capital mobility or domestic inflation was ever a problem. By highlighting these factors, the article offers an explanation of the transformation of the Swedish model that stresses the centrality of ideational contestation for understanding institutional change in general.

340 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined the centrality of interest-based explanations in political science and argued that interests are far from the unproblematic and ever-ready explanatory instruments we assume them to be.
Abstract: This article questions the centrality of interest-based explanation in political science. Through an examination of the “turn to ideas” undertaken in the past decade by rationalist and nonrationalist scholars in both comparative politics and international relations, it seeks to make three points. First, interests are far from the unproblematic and ever-ready explanatory instruments we assume them to be. Second, the ideational turn of historical institutionalism and constructivist international relations theory marks a substantive theoretical shift in the field precisely because it problematizes notions of action that take interest as given. Third, such scholarship emerged from, and in reaction to, the inherent limits of rationalist treatments of interests and ideas. That it did so suggests that progress in the discipline may be more dialectic—rather than linear or paradigmatic—than we realize.

330 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examine the role of wars and economic crises as socially constructed openings for change and propose a framework for the study of such events, one which highlights an expanded range of elite-mass interactions.
Abstract: This symposium addresses the role of wars and crises as mechanisms of international change. Over the past two decades, the international system has undergone a number of remarkable transformations, from the end of the Cold War to the emergence of an ongoing ‘‘War on Terror,’’ and from the collapse of statist development models to the emergence of a contested—if evolving—neoliberal ‘‘Washington Consensus.’’ This volatility exceeds any underlying shifts in economic structures or the distribution of capabilities, and raises important questions regarding the roles of agency, uncertainty, and ideas in advancing change. In this introduction we examine the role of wars and economic crises as socially constructed openings for change. We attempt three things: to critique materialist approaches in the security and political economy issue areas, to outline the distinctive contribution that an agent-centered constructivist understanding of such events offers, and to offer a framework for the study of such events, one which highlights an expanded range of elite-mass interactions. 1929. 1945. 1973. 1989. 2001. One scarcely need identify the events to which these dates refer. One ‘‘knows them when one sees them’’ as ‘‘turning points’’ when old orders ended and new ones began to emerge. Over the past several years, the importance of such events has been examined by a range of international relations scholars offering either materialist analyses of international relations ‘‘after victory’’ and in the context of ‘‘hard times,’’ or more constructivist analyses of ‘‘constitutive wars’’ and the importance of ‘‘socialpolitik.’’ 1 Such Author’s note: For their comments and criticisms of this effort, we thank Lisa Baglione, Jacqueline Best, Bruce Cronin, Colin Hay, Ronald Krebs, Jennifer Lobasz, the late Steve Poe, and Alexander Wendt. The usual disclaimers apply. 1

223 citations


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01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: This article investigated whether income inequality affects subsequent growth in a cross-country sample for 1965-90, using the models of Barro (1997), Bleaney and Nishiyama (2002) and Sachs and Warner (1997) with negative results.
Abstract: We investigate whether income inequality affects subsequent growth in a cross-country sample for 1965-90, using the models of Barro (1997), Bleaney and Nishiyama (2002) and Sachs and Warner (1997), with negative results. We then investigate the evolution of income inequality over the same period and its correlation with growth. The dominating feature is inequality convergence across countries. This convergence has been significantly faster amongst developed countries. Growth does not appear to influence the evolution of inequality over time. Outline

3,770 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a clear and new definition of populism is presented and the normal-pathology thesis is rejected; instead, it is argued that today populist discourse has become mainstream in the politics of western democracies and one can even speak of a populist Zeitgeist.
Abstract: Since the 1980s the rise of so-called ‘populist parties’ has given rise to thousands of books, articles, columns and editorials. This article aims to make a threefold contribution to the current debate on populism in liberal democracies. First, a clear and new definition of populism is presented. Second, the normal-pathology thesis is rejected; instead it is argued that today populist discourse has become mainstream in the politics of western democracies. Indeed, one can even speak of a populist Zeitgeist. Third, it is argued that the explanations of and reactions to the current populist Zeitgeist are seriously flawed and might actually strengthen rather than weaken it.

2,957 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The discursive institutionalism of as discussed by the authors is a more dynamic approach to institutional change than the older three new institutionalisms, which can be categorized into two types, cognitive and normative, and it comes in two forms: coordinative discourse among policy actors and communicative discourse between political actors and the public.
Abstract: The newest “new institutionalism,” discursive institutionalism, lends insight into the role of ideas and discourse in politics while providing a more dynamic approach to institutional change than the older three new institutionalisms. Ideas are the substantive content of discourse. They exist at three levels—policies, programs, and philosophies—and can be categorized into two types, cognitive and normative. Discourse is the interactive process of conveying ideas. It comes in two forms: the coordinative discourse among policy actors and the communicative discourse between political actors and the public. These forms differ in two formal institutional contexts; simple polities have a stronger communicative discourse and compound polities a stronger coordinative discourse. The institutions of discursive institutionalism, moreover, are not external-rule-following structures but rather are simultaneously structures and constructs internal to agents whose “background ideational abilities” within a given “meanin...

2,232 citations