Other affiliations: University of Queensland
Bio: Mark Finnane is an academic researcher from Griffith University. The author has contributed to research in topics: Criminal justice & Politics. The author has an hindex of 18, co-authored 96 publications receiving 1124 citations. Previous affiliations of Mark Finnane include University of Queensland.
Papers published on a yearly basis
22 Dec 1994
TL;DR: This article explored the political and historical conditions under which police have been organized in Australia and argued that the relations between the institutions of "police" and "government" in Australia require analysis from three different perspectives: the relations of police forces and executive government, the role of police in the governing of populations in Australia, and the very problem of the government of police themselves.
Abstract: This work provides a wholly new account of this history. Starting from the assumption that policing is a fundamental responsibility of government, it explores the political and historical conditions under which police have been organized in Australia. It argues that the relations between the institutions of "police" and "government" in Australia require analysis from three different perspectives: the relations of police forces and executive government, the role of police in the governing of populations in Australia, and finally the very problem of the government of police themselves. The book draws on a wealth of archival research, a knowledge of comparative policing history, and the author's experience in contemporary criminal justice policy and reform.
01 Jan 1981
TL;DR: In Ireland, between 1317 and 1870, the British government in Ireland, through the chief secretary's office in Dublin, directed the establishment of twenty-two district lunatic asylums in Ireland.
Abstract: Between 1317 and 1870 the British government in Ireland, through the chief secretary’s office in Dublin, directed the establishment of twenty-two district lunatic asylums in Ireland. Founded at a time when the government wa3 attempting to bring order to Ireland through the estab lishment of a police force and a system of poor relief, primarily institutional, the asylums were initially welcomed by local gentry, clergy and judicial authorities. But the unceasing growth of asylum admissions after the Famine, together with the failure of the asylum to restore more than a small proportion of inmates to society, provoked increasing local discontent with the institutions. Central government sought to maintain local responsibility for standards while ratepayers’ representatives pressed for the government to take over the financial responsibility for the insane. In this situation, the democratisation of Irish local government in 1898 further ’politicised’ the management of asylums, with questions of finance and local control dominating their administration to the war. Institutionalisation of a growing proportion of the Irish population proceeded particularly through judicial committal. Magistrates, police and doctors used the provisions of the law to confine men and women who were brought to them by their relatives and friends. A law which had been intended only for the detention of the ’dangerous lunatic’ became the routine mode of dealing with a variety of ills from alcoholism to family violence. Within the asylums, the uncertainty as to the basis of an individual inmate’s condition was reflected in the variety of largely unsuccessful therapies, ’moral’ and physical. Even the possibility of organising an ordered environment, subject to the direction of the medical superintendent, the object of the asylum’s structure, failed in the face of over-crowding and institutional inertia. Over the lives of the insane presided doctors who gradually established themselves professionally as psychia trists. By the end of the century, in spite of their formal dominance in treatment and control, the psychiatrists had failed to establish a practice which could cope with the increasing institutional pressures on them. Their pessimism concerning the seemingly intractable problem of insanity was matched in Ireland and Britain by an alarm among lay observers at the growth in numbers of the insane. An examin ation of the statistical evidence for Ireland suggests that institutiona.lisa.tion proceeded apace with rural decline characterised by high emigration, falling marriage rates and an ageing population. The ’increase of lunacy’ had become a symbol as well as a reflection of the social condition of Ireland after the Famine.
01 Oct 1985
TL;DR: The author offers some concrete examples of the process of institutionalisation and suggests some refinements to the thesis outlined by Ignatieff in relation to one particular institution: the lunatic asylum.
Abstract: In a review of recent work on institutionalisation, Michael Ignatieff (History Workshop Journal 15) has suggested that more attention needs to be paid to the role of the working class family in reconstructing the place of incarceration in modern societies. This should be part he argues, of a broader re-orientation of social history, which should start from the 'assumption that a society is a densely woven fabric of permissions, prohibitions, obligations and rules, sustained and enforced at a thousand points rather than a neatly organized pyramid of power'. In that 'fabric' the total institution was but 'one relay, one thread'. New forms of the state, Ignatieff suggests, may be 'partly creations of those classes which they are intended to control'. Thus his emphasis on the necessity of examining the relationship between the institution and its social environs, between families, classes and incarceration.' Ignatieff's statement is an invitation to those who have worked in the field to reflect on their own work and on some of his hypotheses. In what follows I want to take up this invitation in offering some concrete examples of the process of institutionalisation and suggesting some refinements to the thesis outlined by Ignatieff in relation to one particular institution: the lunatic asylum. My research has been principally in Australia and Ireland so the material I have to offer and the refinements I suggest draw on contexts which differed from those of the industrialised cities of Victorian Britain. But there are lessons to be drawn from that difference for our understanding of institutionalisation, its appropriation by masters for a variety of purposes, its use by classes with a range of intentions. The hazards of writing about the asylum without examining the process
30 Apr 1998
TL;DR: The convict origins of European settlement in Australia have long attracted the attention of novelists and historians as mentioned in this paper. But what effect have these origins and Australian society's preoccupation with them had on later institutions and modes of punishment?
Abstract: The convict origins of European settlement in Australia have long attracted the attention of novelists and historians. But what effect have these origins--and Australian society's preoccupation with them-- had on later institutions and modes of punishment? This book explores the question through a study of imprisonment and other forms of punishment in Australia since European settlement. It examines the social, cultural, political, and historiographical aspects of this important subject, and shows how punishment has changed and points to possible changes in the future.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the colonies of latest settlement, Western Australia and Queensland, and suggest that conventional modes of punishment were modified to accommodate indigenous offending, including public execution and corporal punishment of Aborigines.
Abstract: The European settlement of Australia from 1788 was accompanied by a prolonged dis-possession of the indigenous people, who became British subjects at law. Regimes of punishment played an important role in this dispossession. Focusing on the colonies of latest settlement, Western Australia and Queensland, the evidence here suggests also that conventional modes of punishment were modified to accommodate indigenous offending. Public execution and corporal punishment of Aborigines was practised after their exclusion as options for the settler population - but imprisonment too was shaped to the end of managing a seemingly intractable indigenous population. In completing the process of dispossession, the colonial state developed less violent punitive resources to manage the indigenous population. Incarceration within unique institutions, segregation from the settler population and surveillance and regulation through an expanding bureaucracy were strategies of social control increasingly deployed in an attempt to address the distinctive challenges posed by a dispossessed indigenous population.
TL;DR: Weinbaum et al. as discussed by the authors found that serious interpersonal violence decreased remarkably in Europe between the mid-sixteenth and the early twentieth centuries, and different long-term trajectories in the decline of homicide can be distinguished between various European regions.
Abstract: Research on the history of crime from the thirteenth century until the end of the twentieth has burgeoned and has greatly increased understanding of historical trends in crime and crime control. Serious interpersonal violence decreased remarkably in Europe between the mid-sixteenth and the early twentieth centuries. Different long-term trajectories in the decline of homicide can be distinguished between various European regions. Age and sex patterns in serious violent offending, however, have changed very little over several centuries. The long-term decline in homicide rates seems to go along with a disproportionate decline in elite homicide and a drop in male-to-male conflicts in public space. A range of theoretical explanations for the longterm decline have been offered, including the effects of the civilizing process, strengthening state powers, the Protestant Reformation, and modern individualism, but most theorizing has been post hoc. ‘‘Symonet Spinelli, Agnes his mistress and Geoffrey Bereman were together in Geoffrey’s house when a quarrel broke out among them; Symonet left the house and returned later the same day with Richard Russel his Servant to the house of Godfrey le Gorger, where he found Geoffrey; a quarrel arose and Richard and Symonet killed Geoffrey’’ (Weinbaum 1976, p. 219). This is an entry in the plea roll of the eyre court held in London in 1278. The eyre was a panel of royal justices empowered to judge all felonies and required to inquire into all homicides that had occurred since the last eyre (Given 1977). The story is
01 Jun 1990
TL;DR: The social history of medicine is primarily a development of the last two decades, and arose out of the same congruence of interests which have transformed economic and labour history into social history in that period.
Abstract: THE SOCIAL HISTORY OF MEDICINE The social history of medicine, like most social history, is primarily a development of the last two decades, and arose out of the same congruence of interests which have transformed economic and labour history into social history in that period. The older tradition of the history of medicine, which it has by no means displaced, saw the discipline as essentially inward-looking. This was a doctor-oriented version of medicine, justifying medical history as an illumination of the internal history of the profession or of the discovery or development of technical medical procedures. It assumed a Whig framework of progress towards ever-superior forms of knowledge or organisation, culminating in the state of medical practice at the present day. It therefore had a strongly biographical emphasis; the lives of the ‘great men’ of medicine filled the shelves of the medical history sections. The scientific basis of medical practice was seen as a series of discoveries and of contributions or advances towards present understanding; the analysis of medical institutions was in terms of celebratory histories concentrating on internal milestones of development. ‘The need for a knowledge of the origin and growth of one's profession is surely self-evident’, said Sir Douglas Guthrie in his Presidential address to the History of Medicine section of the Royal Society of Medicine in 1957, ‘it is obvious that history supplies an essential basis for medicine. It gives us ideals to follow, inspirations for our work and hope for the future.’The ‘graph of medical progress’ could, he considered, be depicted as ‘an ever-mounting curve’.