scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question
Author

Mia Bird

Bio: Mia Bird is an academic researcher from University of California, Berkeley. The author has contributed to research in topics: Recidivism & Prison. The author has an hindex of 4, co-authored 6 publications receiving 35 citations. Previous affiliations of Mia Bird include Public Policy Institute of California.

Papers
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the context of public safety realignment in California, this article reviewed early research focused on the statewide effect of Realignment on recidivism, which has produced mixed findings depending on the measure of recrievability applied.
Abstract: California’s 2011 Public Safety Realignment created an unprecedented policy experiment by transferring the authority over lower-level felony offenders from the state correctional system to fifty-eight county jail and probation systems. While centered in California, these changes are reflective of an ongoing national conversation about the appropriate level of government at which to focus crime control efforts. In this article, we first situate Realignment in criminological and sociolegal literatures, showing how the reform offers opportunities to further inquiry as to the effectiveness of a wide variety of correctional strategies, implementation, and local variation in correctional law and policy. We then review early research focused on the statewide effect of Realignment on recidivism, which has produced mixed findings depending on the measure of recidivism applied. We then examine variation in recidivism outcomes across county sites and present findings that indicate there is an important relationship ...

17 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined the effect of policy change and recidivism in the state of California and found that offenders released to counties that prioritized reentry services in their implementation of realignment had better post-realignment outcomes.
Abstract: California’s 2011 Public Safety Realignment created an unprecedented policy experiment by transferring the authority over lower level felony offenders from the state correctional system to 58 county jail and probation systems. Realignment provides a unique opportunity to examine the ways that correctional policy change can influence recidivism patterns. We examine two questions about policy change and recidivism: “Did realignment affect change in statewide recidivism patterns?” and “Does county-level variation in implementation strategies help account for differences in recidivism across counties?” We find that statewide recidivism rates actually increased somewhat after realignment. However, we also find that offenders released to counties that prioritized reentry services in their implementation of realignment had better post-realignment recidivism outcomes than offenders released to counties that prioritized traditional enforcement methods. We conclude by considering additional steps needed to understa...

10 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: This paper reviewed the major reforms in California probation policies in the last decade and, relying on newly available data, describes how those changes have reshaped probation populations and found that as probation populations have increasingly comprised higher risk and higher stakes offenders, the job of probation officers has changed.
Abstract: CALIFORNIA HAS UNDERTAKEN dramatic reforms in recent years to reduce the size of its prison population, in part by giving new responsibilities to local probation agencies. New funds are flowing into county probation agencies from the state (Bird & Hayes, 2013) and, in recent years, progress has been made in implementing evidence-based practices (Judicial Council of California, 2015). Now is an opportune moment to take stock of the policy and practical consequences of California’s reforms; however, documenting the new challenges faced by probation agencies has proven difficult, given the lack of good data about exactly how probation populations in the state are changing, and how the demands and expectations for probation officers are changing along with them. This article reviews the major reforms in California probation policies in the last decade and, relying on newly available data, describes how those changes have reshaped probation populations. We discuss the research literature on probation workers, which offers some key insights to guide our inquiry about the law enforcement and social work dimensions of probation work. We then report data on how the nature of probation work has changed in the context of these policy and population changes, using statewide survey data on probation officers and supervisors. Our findings show that as probation populations have increasingly comprised higher risk and higher stakes offenders, the job of probation officers has changed. In general, we see rising expectations for what researchers have called a “hybrid” or “synthetic” approach to probation work, which combines a strong emphasis on both social work and law enforcement.

5 citations


Cited by
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors argues that because of the multiuse nature of most basic research and the long time lags between discovery and application, it is unlikely that any one individual, company, or industry would support a sufficient amount of basic research to advance innovation.
Abstract: tive to facilitate. ‘‘Because of the multiuse nature of most basic research as well as the long time lags between discovery and application, it is unlikely that any one individual, company, or industry would support a sufficient amount of basic research to advance innovation’’ (p. 8). But, calling the system ‘‘highly functional’’ tells us nothing about why research is structured in this way, and for whom this structure is more or less beneficial. Second, many of her arguments about researcher incentives hinge on assessments of the motivations of individual scientists and engineers that lack basis in empirical research. Assertions like ‘‘scientists are innately curious’’ (p. 17) or engineers patent for ‘‘intellectual challenge and advancement’’ (p. 50) while biomedical scientists patent to have an ‘‘impact on society’’ (p. 51) are mostly gleaned from anecdotal evidence, stories of famous scientists, or even colloquial references like Napoleon quotes and popular song lyrics. These anecdotes and colloquialisms make the book entertaining to read, but frustrating to learn from. Third, while Stephan refers to early work in Science and Technology Studies and attempts to situate her research in conversation with this literature, her book is decidedly not economics’ answer to the sociology of scientific knowledge. Disappointingly, Stephan’s policy suggestions lack the same critical teeth as the provocative questions she raises about the techno-scientific research enterprise. The reason for the weakness of her policy suggestions may rest in her stated belief that, fundamentally, basic research drives economic growth. For example, even though she highlights the astronomical profits that private corporations (especially pharmaceutical and oil companies) make from the ‘‘public good’’ knowledge produced by government-funded research, she is more concerned with how universities can better serve the profit-making endeavors of corporations than with why corporations are not contributing more to funding university research. Stephan does offer a few insightful solutions, such as making academic placement rates more accessible to potential graduate students and evening out the stop-andgo character of federal research funding. Any changes that would radically alter the structure of this ‘‘functional’’ system, however, seem off the table. On balance, Stephan exercises refreshing restraint in extrapolating from the data and literature she compiles. If the reader is willing to wade through truisms about scientists and rosy discussions of economic growth, there is much to be learned from this book.

129 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Neff found that the culture of risk which formed during the dot-com period survived its end as mentioned in this paper, and that individual values congeal into structure in a social network.
Abstract: offered a chance to do something new. The second group wielded a ‘‘financial strategy’’ that evaluated firms ‘‘for their potential as lucrative investments’’ (p. 73). Most of these interviewees, the smallest group (25 percent), arrived in Silicon Alley after the stock market heated up. Their tone was rather macho. One, for example, dismissed ‘‘worker bees’’—people in conventional jobs who needed to be told what to do (pp. 77–8). Conversely, if one had stock options in a start-up, ‘‘the things that you did could affect the company and could affect the value of your holdings. So it gives you a sense of power’’ (p. 78). Another, in the manner of a venture capitalist, evaluated potential employers in terms of their business models. The third approach to risk was an ‘‘actuarial strategy’’ which entailed ‘‘calculating a degree of riskiness for each position, project, and company’’ with the aim of finding a ‘‘safe haven’’ (p. 88). This group (35 percent of interviewees) sought growing sectors of the industry and did not want to work for—or own— a firm that was dependent on venture capital. As one put it, ‘‘stock options were meaningless to me. That was Vegas roulette’’ (p. 90). Chapter Four confirms previous findings about the value of networks for accessing skills, jobs and credibility in Silicon Alley. More novel are insights gained from mapping social events. Neff found that the nature of networking changed over time. While earlier events had diverse mixes of participants from across sectors and occupations, later events became specialized to particular segments. This homogeneity reduced network access to new ideas and opportunities. Lastly, the centrality of networks in the industry heightened a particular form of inequality—social exclusion based on gender, age, and race. The penultimate chapter analyzes a last wave of interviews completed after the 2000 crash. They revealed that unemployed workers blamed their own choices. Neff’s interpretation is that the culture of risk which formed during the dot-com period survived its end. Her conception of this cultural process is that individual ‘‘justifications collectively functioned as an emergent social structure to support risk-taking’’ (p. 145). Neff advises that choices of these workers can be seen as rational, given these new cultural frameworks and job opportunities. The book’s great contribution is revealing how skilled workers associated good jobs with risk. Neff supplies rich data on their subcultures and networks, including their limitations. She usefully links Silicon Alley to long-standing templates in cultural industries (e.g., entertainment) where skilled workers exposed to risk rely on projects, portfolios and socializing. More problematically, Neff flirts with methodological individualism by claiming that individual values congeal into structure. In addition, the path that she illuminated so ably up to 2002 has taken turns she did not anticipate. Many Silicon Alley veterans eventually caught the Web 2.0 wave (especially if they were in technology which now overshadows content). Moreover, there are more supports for such workers given the creation of a Freelancers Union and the fact that city hall is seeking ways to spark New York’s innovative industries— reliance on finance does not seem a good bet anymore. Since the 2008 crash, most everybody is muddling through things.

105 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Bartos et al. as mentioned in this paper employed a synthetic control group design to approximate California's crime rates had Prop 47 not been enacted, finding that Prop 47 had no effect on homicide, rape, aggravated assault, robbery, or burglary.
Abstract: Author(s): Bartos, BJ; Kubrin, CE | Abstract: Research Summary: Our study represents the first effort to evaluate systematically Proposition 47's (Prop 47's) impact on California's crime rates. With a state-level panel containing violent and property offenses from 1970 through 2015, we employ a synthetic control group design to approximate California's crime rates had Prop 47 not been enacted. Our findings suggest that Prop 47 had no effect on homicide, rape, aggravated assault, robbery, or burglary. Larceny and motor vehicle thefts, however, seem to have increased moderately after Prop 47, but these results were both sensitive to alternative specifications of our synthetic control group and small enough that placebo testing cannot rule out spuriousness. Policy Implications: As the United States engages in renewed debates regarding the scale and cost of its incarcerated population, California stands at the forefront of criminal justice reform. Although California reduced its prison population by 13,000 through Prop 47, critics argue anecdotally that the measure is responsible for recent crime upticks across the state. We find little empirical support for these claims. Thus, our findings suggest that California can downsize its prisons and jails without compromising public safety.

39 citations