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Michael A. Bellesiles

Bio: Michael A. Bellesiles is an academic researcher from Emory University. The author has contributed to research in topics: Poison control & Constitution. The author has an hindex of 7, co-authored 10 publications receiving 160 citations.

Papers
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Book
23 Jul 1998
TL;DR: In this paper, a former minister and current legislator in the British government examines the wave of American federal crime-control laws that surfaced both before and after the 1994 "Republican Revolution" in Congress, focusing on the pressure that populist opinion and special interests can exert in shaping crime policy.
Abstract: In this timely, challenging book, a former minister and current legislator in the British government examines the wave of American federal crime-control laws that surfaced both before and after the 1994 "Republican Revolution" in Congress. Lord Windlesham focuses on the pressure that populist opinion and special interests can exert in shaping crime policy. Several law-making actions and arguments are explored, such as the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act (thought by many to be the key legislative achievement of President Clinton's first term), the Brady Act, the "three strikes and you're out" rule, Megan's Law, and so forth. Furthermore, in presenting controversial views on the NRA and its competitors, the book ultimately asks how long America can continue to tolerate the private possession of deadly weapons.

44 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The National Sporting Goods Association estimates that 92 percent of all rifles are bought by men (94 percent of the shotguns) and most of those men fall into the 25-to 34-year-old age group, make between $35,000 and $50,000 annually, and do not need to kill animals for their survival.
Abstract: An astoundingly high level of personal violence separates the United States from every other industrial nation. In 1993, when the number of murders in Canada reached a high of 630, the United States (with nearly ten times the population) experienced 24,526 murders, out of a total of nearly two million violent crimes. The weapon of choice in 69.6 percent of those murders was a gun, and thousands more are killed by firearms every year in accidents and suicides.1 More people are killed with guns in the United States in a typical week than in all of western Europe in a year. It is now thought normal and appropriate for American urban elementary schools to use metal detectors to check students for firearms. We are familiar with the manifestations of American gun culture; the sincere love and affection with which our society views its weapons pours forth daily from the television and movie screens. Every form of the media reinforces the notion that the solution to your problems can be held in your hand and provide immediate gratification. Since the United States does not register guns, we have no idea how many there are or who actually buys them. The FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) estimates that there are 250 million firearms in private hands; an additional 5 million are purchased every year. The National Sporting Goods Association estimates that 92 percent of all rifles are bought by men (94 percent of the shotguns). Most of those men fall into the 25to 34-year-old age group, make between $35,000 and $50,000 annually, and do not need to kill animals for their survival.2 The consequence of this culture is also very familiar. To select just a few more statistics as indicators: The chief of police and mayor of New York City were nearly euphoric that the number of murders in the city dropped below two thousand (to 1,995) in 1993; it reached a contemporary low of 1,581 in 1994. Yet the total

44 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, Adler, Bruce Baird, Robert Dykstra, Lee Chambers-Schiller, Philip J. Cook, Laura Edwards, Uche Egemonye, Nicole Etcheson, Evan Haefeli, Sally Hadden, Paula Hinton, Arthur L. Kellermann, Laura McCall, Kate Nickerson, Mary Odem, Craig Pascoe, John C. Pettegrew, Junius P. Rodriguez, and Andrea Tone, Christopher Waldrep.
Abstract: Contributors include Jeff Adler, Bruce Baird, Robert Dykstra, Lee Chambers-Schiller, Philip J. Cook, Laura Edwards, Uche Egemonye, Nicole Etcheson, Evan Haefeli, Sally Hadden, Paula Hinton, Arthur L. Kellermann, Laura McCall, Kate Nickerson, Mary Odem, Craig Pascoe, John C. Pettegrew, Junius P. Rodriguez, and Andrea Tone, Christopher Waldrep.

31 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Waddams as mentioned in this paper provides a salutary caution against taking the reformers' representations of the legal system at face value, in that it opens the way for more research.
Abstract: clesiastical courts and their defamation jurisdiction, and the reality of practice in those courts (6-12). His work provides a salutary caution against taking the reformers' representations of the legal system at face value. Sexual Slander is a generous book, in the finest sense of the word, in that it opens the way for more research. Such scholarship will no doubt follow, now that Waddams has taken the terror out of these papers.

10 citations


Cited by
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Book
01 Jan 2005
TL;DR: The theory of the authoritarian dynamic and the politics of fear have been studied extensively in the last few decades as mentioned in this paper, with a focus on racism and tolerance under conditions of normative threat.
Abstract: 1. Introduction: the authoritarian dynamic 2. Kindred spirits, common spark: the theory of the authoritarian dynamic 3. Manipulating threat and reassurance: data and methods 4. The authoritarian dynamic and the politics of fear: putting the pieces of the puzzle together 5. Authoritarianism and conservatism across cultures 6. Authoritarianism and conservatism: how they differ and when it matters 7. One true people: putting a dace on the theory 8. One right way: fleshing out the portrait 9. Manning the barricades: racism and Intolerance under conditions of normative threat 10. The authoritarian dynamic: implications.

482 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors document the emergence of mass incarceration and describe its significance for African American family life, and pose several key research questions that can illuminate the effects of dramatic growth in the American penal system.
Abstract: Released in 1965, the Moynihan Report traced the severe social and economic distress of poor urban African Americans to high rates of single-parenthood. Against Moynihan's calls for social investment in poor inner-city communities, politics moved in a punitive direction, driving massive growth in the prison population. The authors document the emergence of mass incarceration and describe its significance for African American family life. The era of mass incarceration can be understood as a new stage in the history of American racial inequality. Because of its recent arrival, the social impact of mass incarceration remains poorly understood. The authors conclude by posing several key research questions that can illuminate the effects of dramatic growth in the American penal system.

429 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors used a pooled time-series design to examine political and other determinants of state imprisonment rates, and found that Republican strength and minority threat lead to higher imprisonment rates and that these relationships became stronger after greater Republican stress on law and order.
Abstract: Despite considerable theoretical interest, little is known about the political determinants ofpunishment. This study uses a pooled time-series design to fill this gap by examining political and other determinants of state imprisonment rates. The presence of Republican elected officials is used to assess the strength of the law-and-order political party. Ethnic threat theories suggest that imprisonments will be more likely in jurisdictions with the most blacks or Hispanics, while economic threat theories suggest that the imprisoned population will be greater where economic stratification is most pronounced. After controllingfor social disorganization, religious fundamentalism, political conservatism, and violent crimes, the results show that Republican strength and minority threat lead to higher imprisonment rates. Statistical interactions support predictions that these relationships became stronger after greater Republican stress on law and order. The latter findings confirm theoretical expectations that these relationships are historically contingent.

318 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Tim Newburn1
TL;DR: It is increasingly recognized that factors beyond the nation state are influencing and shaping domestic crime control policies as discussed by the authors, and much discussion takes place under the general rubric of "globalizatio...
Abstract: It is increasingly recognized that factors beyond the nation state are influencing and shaping domestic crime control policies. Much discussion takes place under the general rubric of ‘globalizatio...

177 citations

01 Jan 2007
TL;DR: These findings both confirm and refine the political version of conflict theory because they suggest that the effects of current racial threat and past vigilantism largely directed against newly freed slaves jointly contribute to current lethal but legal reactions to racial threat.
Abstract: Capital punishment is the most severe punishment, yet little is known about the social conditions that lead to death sentences. Racial threat explanations imply that this sanction will be imposed more often in jurisdictions with larger minority populations, but some scholars suggest that a tradition of vigilante violence leads to increased death sentences. This study tests the combined explanatory power of both accounts by assessing statistical interactions between past lynchings and the recent percentage of African Americans after political conditions and other plausible effects are held constant. Findings from count models based on different samples, data, and estimators suggest that racial threat and lynchings combine to produce increased death sentences, but the presence of liberal political values explains the absence of death sentences. These findings both confirm and refine the political version of conflict theory because they suggest that the effects of current racial threat and past vigilantism largely directed against newly freed slaves jointly contribute to current lethal but legal reactions to racial threat.

175 citations