Author
Morris P. Fiorina
Other affiliations: University of Rochester, California Institute of Technology, Harvard University
Bio: Morris P. Fiorina is an academic researcher from Stanford University. The author has contributed to research in topics: Voting & Politics. The author has an hindex of 44, co-authored 99 publications receiving 15933 citations. Previous affiliations of Morris P. Fiorina include University of Rochester & California Institute of Technology.
Topics: Voting, Politics, Democracy, Polarization (politics), Legislature
Papers published on a yearly basis
Papers
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Book•
14 Jul 2004
TL;DR: A 50:50 Nation: The Red and the Blue States: A Summary as discussed by the authors The Obvious Hypothesis: America is not a Polarized country, but rather a 50: 50 nation.
Abstract: 1. Culture War? 2. A 50:50 Nation? The Red and the Blue States. Is the Country Polarized? Red v. Blue States: A Summary. The Obvious Hypothesis. 3. A 50:50 Nation? Beyond the Red and the Blue. Is the Country Polarized? Demographic and Political Groups. Partisan Polarization. Is the Country Polarized? Individuals. Summary: Not a Polarized Country. 4. A Closer Look at Abortion. Public Attitudes Toward Abortion: "I'm Pro-Choice, But..." Abortion and the Gender Gap. Epilogue. 5. A Closer Look at Homosexuality. Americans Attitudes toward Homosexuals and Homosexuality. The Aftermath of Lawrence. 6. Have Electoral Cleavages Shifted? The Rise of Religious Cleavages? The Decay of Economic Cleavages? Appendix to Chapter 6. 7. Reconciling Micro and Macro Evidence. Centrist Voters and Polarized Elites. Voter Response to Elite Polarization. Appendix to Chapter 7: A Deep Identification Problem in Electoral Studies. 8. How Did It Come to This and Where Do We Go From Here? The Ascendance of the Purists. The Expansion of Government. The Rise of Participatory Democracy. The Hijacking of American Democracy. Three Important Caveats. Can Anything Be Done? A Final Thought.
1,266 citations
TL;DR: For more than two decades political scientists have discussed rising elite polarization in the United States, but the study of mass polarization did not receive comparable attention until fairly recently as mentioned in this paper, concluding that much of the evidence presented problems of inference that render conclusions problematic.
Abstract: For more than two decades political scientists have discussed rising elite polarization in the United States, but the study of mass polarization did not receive comparable attention until fairly recently. This article surveys the literature on mass polarization. It begins with a discussion of the concept of polarization, then moves to a critical consideration of different kinds of evidence that have been used to study polarization, concluding that much of the evidence presents problems of inference that render conclusions problematic. The most direct evidence—citizens' positions on public policy issues—shows little or no indication of increased mass polarization over the past two to three decades. Party sorting—an increased correlation between policy views and partisan identification—clearly has occurred, although the extent has sometimes been exaggerated. Geographic polarization—the hypothesized tendency of like-minded people to cluster together—remains an open question. To date, there is no conclusive e...
1,233 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: Fiorina as discussed by the authors made a strong case that a Washington establishment does exist and that members of Congress are responsible for it, and described the self-serving interconnections that have developed between Congress, bureaucrats, and citizens with special interests.
Abstract: This highly readable book makes a strong case that a Washington establishment does exist and that members of Congress are responsible for it. Fiorina's description of the self-serving interconnections that have developed between Congress, bureaucrats, and citizens with special interests leads to provocative and disturbing conclusions about the way our political system works. First published in 1977, this greatly enlarged second edition discusses the new developments that have occurred over the past twelve years, provides supportive data through the 1988 election, and reveals Fiorina's current thoughts on Congress and American politics. Reviews of the first edition: "A stimulating indictment of the role of Congress in perpetuating a triangle of self-interest: constituents want benefits at someone else's expense; Congressmen, seeking reelection, try to oblige; bureaucrats want growth for their agencies and accordingly provide favors for Congressmen. The general welfare is ill-served."-Foreign Affairs "A fascinating book . . . on the factors which keep members of Congress in office . . . . A tract that no student of Congress can afford to neglect."-Eric M. Uslaner, American Political Science Review "Written with insight, originality, and verve."-Washington Monthly
1,021 citations
731 citations
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TL;DR: The centrality of the self-efficacy mechanism in human agency is discussed in this paper, where the influential role of perceived collective effi- cacy in social change is analyzed, as are the social con- ditions conducive to development of collective inefficacy.
Abstract: This article addresses the centrality of the self-efficacy mechanism in human agency. Self-per- cepts of efficacy influence thought patterns, actions, and emotional arousal. In causal tests the higher the level of induced self-efficacy, the higher the perfor- mance accomplishments and the lower the emotional arousal. Different lines of research are reviewed, show- ing that the self-efficacy mechanism may have wide explanatory power. Perceived self-efficacy helps to ac- count for such diverse phenomena as changes in coping behavior produced by different modes of influence, level of physiological stress reactions, self-regulation of refractory behavior, resignation and despondency to failure experiences, self-debilitating effects of proxy control and illusory inefficaciousness, achievement strivings, growth of intrinsic interest, and career pur- suits. The influential role of perceived collective effi- cacy in social change is analyzed, as are the social con- ditions conducive to development of collective inefficacy. Psychological theorizing and research tend to cen- ter on issues concerning either acquisition of knowledge or execution of response patterns. As a result the processes governing the interrelation- ship between knowledge and action have been largely neglected (Newell, 1978). Some of the re- cent efforts to bridge this gap have been directed at the biomechanics problem—how efferent com- mands of action plans guide the production of ap- propriate response patterns (Stelmach, 1976,1978). Others have approached the matter in terms of algorithmic knowledge, which furnishes guides for executing action sequences (Greeno, 1973; Newell, 1973). ,
14,898 citations
TL;DR: In a general equilibrium model of a labor economy, the size of government, measured by the share of income redistributed, is determined by majority rule as mentioned in this paper, where voters rationally anticipate the disincentive effects of taxation on the labor-leisure choices of their fellow citizens and take the effect into account when voting.
Abstract: In a general equilibrium model of a labor economy, the size of government, measured by the share of income redistributed, is determined by majority rule. Voters rationally anticipate the disincentive effects of taxation on the labor-leisure choices of their fellow citizens and take the effect into account when voting. The share of earned income redistributed depends on the voting rule and on the distribution of productivity in the economy. Under majority rule, the equilibrium tax share balances the budget and pays for the voters' choices. The principal reasons for increased size of government implied by the model are extensions of the franchise that change the position of the decisive voter in the income distribution and changes in relative productivity. An increase in mean income relative to the income of the decisive voter increases the size of government.
4,696 citations
TL;DR: The authors found that people are much more likely to believe stories that favor their preferred candidate, especially if they have ideologically segregated social media networks, and that the average American adult saw on the order of one or perhaps several fake news stories in the months around the 2016 U.S. presidential election, with just over half of those who recalled seeing them believing them.
Abstract: Following the 2016 U.S. presidential election, many have expressed concern about the effects of false stories (“fake news”), circulated largely through social media. We discuss the economics of fake news and present new data on its consumption prior to the election. Drawing on web browsing data, archives of fact-checking websites, and results from a new online survey, we find: (i) social media was an important but not dominant source of election news, with 14 percent of Americans calling social media their “most important” source; (ii) of the known false news stories that appeared in the three months before the election, those favoring Trump were shared a total of 30 million times on Facebook, while those favoring Clinton were shared 8 million times; (iii) the average American adult saw on the order of one or perhaps several fake news stories in the months around the election, with just over half of those who recalled seeing them believing them; and (iv) people are much more likely to believe stories that favor their preferred candidate, especially if they have ideologically segregated social media networks.
3,959 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that political competition fails to inform constituents of the costs of forgone political alternatives, which prevents the adoption of welfare enhancing reforms of public institutions and policies.
Abstract: Selection of efficient institutions or policies in politics requires constituents to estimate the net benefits of political reforms. Political competition fails to inform constituents of the costs of forgone political alternatives. Ignorance of ‘political opportunity costs’ prevents the adoption of welfare enhancing reforms of public institutions and policies. The empirical record supports this contention.
3,134 citations
TL;DR: The authors argued that the Duverger/socialist mass-party model is not the only model for parties and pointed out that this assumption is misconception, and argued that it is misconstrued.
Abstract: Many recent discussions of the decline of party are predicated on the assumption that the Duverger/socialist mass-party model is the only model for parties. We contend that this assumption is misco...
2,494 citations