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Noriko Iwamoto

Bio: Noriko Iwamoto is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Nationalism & Cultural production and nationalism. The author has an hindex of 1, co-authored 1 publications receiving 5 citations.

Papers
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01 Mar 2005
TL;DR: This article explored the use of language when it is needed for creating and consolidating a state's power, such as in wartime, and examined how linguistic resources and devices are used to regulate, reconstruct, and, sometimes, manipulate reality.
Abstract: This paper on language . and politics explores the use of language when it is needed for creating and consolidating a state's power, such as in wartime. I examine how linguistic resources and devices are used to regulate, reconstruct, and, sometimes, manipulate reality. The operation of political language is to categorize and label events, phenomena, people, and the state's goals, and to formulate them in a way desirable to regulate and control the ideas and behavior of people.

5 citations


Cited by
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Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jun 1993-Language

95 citations

DissertationDOI
01 Jan 2019
TL;DR: This article examined the change and continuity in discourse about four key wildlife species in the UK between 1785 and 2005 using a corpus-assisted discourse studies approach and identified three major themes in the discourse: origin and national identity, life-cycle and health, and killing animals.
Abstract: This diachronic study investigates the discursive representation of four key wildlife species in Britain—red squirrels, grey squirrels, badgers, and hedgehogs. The research takes a modern-diachronic corpus-assisted discourse studies approach (Partington, 2010) to examine the patterns of change and continuity in discourse about these focus animals published in The Times between 1785 and 2005. Corpus linguistic methods and tools, including the waves, peaks and troughs analysis (Gabrielatos, McEnery, Diggle, & Baker, 2012), diachronic collocates (McEnery & Baker, 2015), cluster analysis, keywords analysis, and concordances, identifed three major themes in the discourse, which were explored in depth: origin and national identity, life-cycle and health, and killing animals. The extent to which the findings are consistent with changing human practices and attitudes was considered in line with the discourse historical approach (Reisigl & Wodak, 2009). The major themes remain relevant over the period of interest but are associated with different focus animals at different times in response to text-external social, political, and cultural influences (such as changes in land management and human-human socio-political relations). Findings reflect a growing distance between humans and the focus animals over time, while (harmful) anthropocentric values underlying their representations are maintained in the discourse through strategies such as blame shifting and—often more subtly—anthropomorphism. Repetition of anthropocentric values in news discourse has real consequences for the animals. They are the focus of human actions that are a response to socio-political factors reflected in—and perpetuated by—discourse about them. Disruption to established narratives in the discourse polarises views and causes (actual and discursive) conflict and controversy, highlighting potential difficulties with accomplishing change. The findings can be used to inform understanding of future linguistic representations of wildlife and a number of recommendations for reducing harmful anthropocentric representations are included accordingly.

21 citations

Dissertation
01 Jan 2017
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that high-ranking AKP members' desire to reintroduce Arabic and Ottoman Turkish into Turkish education is emblematic of the lack of success of the language reform of the 1930s to remove all trace of Turkey's linguistic Islamic heritage, and that these linguistic symbols are being used strategically to instill in Turkey's youthful citizens a sense of religious piety that will make them more receptacle to political Islam, and thus loyal to the ruling Islamist party.
Abstract: Turkey has always been characterized by a seeming tug-a-war between polarizing social theories, political ideologies and nationalisms. The notion of nationalism depends on a variety of factors: race, ethnicity, territory, shared cultural practices, shared historical experience etc, but language can also serve as an extremely important vessel for nationalist sentiment, and this is especially true in the Turkish context where the entire orthography of the Turkish language was changed in the 1920s to accommodate the founding republic's desire to shift its identity more westward. For the majority of the twentieth century there was the social and political will to limit the influence of Arabic, not only because it wasn't simply Turkish, but also because the language carried the added weight of Islamic religious connotations, another aspect of Turkish identity that Ataturk wished to marginalize. However, within the twenty-first century there has been a shift in the Turkish government's nationalist agenda. While there have been plenty of papers written about Turkey's recent shift towards religious conservatism in stark contrast to the secular image that the Turkish elites have traditionally tried to perpetuate, fewer have explored the sociolinguistic aspects of this shift in the form of the dialogues that have started about the place of the Arabic and the Ottoman language in modern Turkish society. In this thesis the author will argue how high-ranking AKP members' desire to reintroduce Arabic and Ottoman Turkish into Turkish education is emblematic of the lack of success of the language reform of the 1930s to remove all trace of Turkey's linguistic Islamic heritage. I will also argue that these linguistic symbols are being used strategically to instill in Turkey's youthful citizens a sense of religious piety that will make them more receptacle to political Islam, and thus loyal to the ruling Islamist party.

11 citations