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Richard Beym

Bio: Richard Beym is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Social reality & Consensus reality. The author has an hindex of 1, co-authored 1 publications receiving 1233 citations.

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a variety of analytic approaches have been used to address the problems of international cooperation, but the approaches have yielded only fragmentary insights, focusing on the technical aspects of a specific problem, how do they define state interests and develop viable solutions? What factors shape their behavior? Under conditions of uncertainty, what are the origins of international institutions? And how can we best study the processes through which international policy coordination and order emerge?
Abstract: The growing technical uncertainties and complexities of problems of global concern have made international policy coordination not only increasingly necessary but also increasingly difficult. If decision makers are unfamiliar with the technical aspects of a specific problem, how do they define state interests and develop viable solutions? What factors shape their behavior? Under conditions of uncertainty, what are the origins of international institutions? And how can we best study the processes through which international policy coordination and order emerge? While a variety of analytic approaches have been used to address the problems of international cooperation, the approaches have yielded only fragmentary insights. At its core, the study of policy coordination among states involves arguments about determinism versus free will and about the ways in which the international system is maintained and transformed. Among the overlapping topics of debate are whether national behavior is determined or broadly conditioned by system-level factors, unit-level factors, or some complex interplay between the two; whether state policymakers can identify national interests and behave independently of pressures from the social groups they nominally represent; and whether states respond consistently to opportunities to create, defend, or expand their own wealth and power, to enhance collective material benefits, or to promote nonmaterial values.' A related question of

5,854 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jun 1965-Brain
TL;DR: This paper would never have been written without Professor Zangwill’s urging, and I am grateful to him for having brought me to a more careful review of the older literature and a more precise statement of my own ideas.
Abstract: As I have pointed out earlier, when I met Oliver Zangwill in 1961 at a meeting on dyslexia in Baltimore, he listened patiently to the exposition of my ideas on the significance of the cortico-cortical connections for the higher functions. A short time later, while on a trip to Boston, he suggested to me that I should prepare an extended account of these ideas. This paper would never have been written without Professor Zangwill’s urging, and I am grateful to him for having brought me to a more careful review of the older literature and a more precise statement of my own ideas. Although Russell Brain, who was then the editor of Brain, had some misgivings about the section on philosophical implications he agreed to take the manuscript unchanged.

3,109 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Overall, force dynamics emerges as a fundamental notional system that structures conceptual material pertaining to force interaction in a common way across a linguistic range: the physical, psychological, social, inferential, discourse, and mental-model domains of reference and conception.

1,486 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that attribution patterns reflect implicit theories acquired from induction and socialization and hence differentially distributed across human cultures, and they test the hypothesis that dispositionalism in attribution for behavior reflects a theory of social behavior more widespread in individualist than collectivist cultures.
Abstract: The authors argue that attribution patterns reflect implicit theories acquired from induction and socialization and hence differentially distributed across human cultures. In particular, the authors tested the hypothesis that dispositionalism in attribution for behavior reflects a theory of social behavior more widespread in individualist than collectivist cultures

1,373 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: An emotion paradox is introduced: People believe that they know an emotion when they see it, and as a consequence assume that emotions are discrete events that can be recognized with some degree of accuracy, but scientists have yet to produce a set of clear and consistent criteria for indicating when an emotion is present and when it is not.
Abstract: In this article, I introduce an emotion paradox: People believe that they know an emotion when they see it, and as a consequence assume that emotions are discrete events that can be recognized with some degree of accuracy, but scientists have yet to produce a set of clear and consistent criteria for indicating when an emotion is present and when it is not. I propose one solution to this paradox: People experience an emotion when they conceptualize an instance of affective feeling. In this view, the experience of emotion is an act of categorization, guided by embodied knowledge about emotion. The result is a model of emotion experience that has much in common with the social psychological literature on person perception and with literature on embodied conceptual knowledge as it has recently been applied to social psychology.

1,226 citations