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Robert L. Dudley

Other affiliations: Colorado State University
Bio: Robert L. Dudley is an academic researcher from George Mason University. The author has contributed to research in topics: Presidential system & Voting. The author has an hindex of 7, co-authored 14 publications receiving 371 citations. Previous affiliations of Robert L. Dudley include Colorado State University.

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TL;DR: A brief historical overview of the study of the political socialization process and the acquisition of political knowledge can be found in this paper, where the authors argue that the issue of youth, political literacy, and civic activism is both a complex undertaking and normatively loaded.
Abstract: In this brief historical overview of the study of the political socialization process and the acquisition of political knowledge, the authors maintain that the study of youth, political literacy, and civic activism is both a complex undertaking and normatively loaded. The research demands not only rigor in design but the exploration of new venues for a better understanding of those agents, activities, and interactions that shape young people's visions of the political world and their choice to participate or not participate in it. There is a need for a clearer understanding of what we know about politics and how we can link that knowledge to civic engagement. An important key to this understanding is greater awareness of and attention paid by political scientists to developmental psychology and theories of the learning processes. Only then can we make informed decisions about appropriate standards of civic education and civic engagement for our youth and throughout the life cycle.

144 citations

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TL;DR: This paper analyzed nearly two hundred federal district court decisions in cases involving the exercise of presidential power during the postwar era and found that judicial decision making appears to be dominated by the recognition of fixed rules, and that identification of the policy-making area alone constitutes an excellent predictor of case outcomes.
Abstract: Analysis of nearly two hundred federal district court decisions in cases involving the exercise of presidential power during the postwar era reveals two very different models of judicial decision making. In cases concerning presidential control of foreign and military policy, judicial decision making appears to be dominated by the recognition of fixed rules. So clear are these rules of deference to the executive that identification of the policy-making area alone constitutes an excellent predictor of case outcomes. By contrast, the statistical importance of such predictor variables as presidential prestige and whether the judge was appointed by the same president as that whose powers are at issue in the case suggests much greater relativism in the judicial response when the president is challenged as a domestic policymaker. As far as the federal district courts are concerned, presidential power over foreign and military affairs may aptly be called "the power to command," while the executive's power in dom...

75 citations

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TL;DR: Gitelson et al. as mentioned in this paper pointed out the need to address contemporary, "deep concerns about the viability of democracy in America," concerns rooted in the perceived "decline in civic engagement, political efficacy, and in the capacity of citizens to organize themselves."
Abstract: Alan R. Gitelson is professor of political science at Loyola University, Chicago. His most recentpublications include American Government, 7th Edition Iwith Robert L Dudley and Melvin DubnickJ, andAmerican Elections: The Rules Matter {with Robert L. DudleyJ. He serves as a member of the American PoNitical Science Association Standing Commiffee on Education and Professional Development. He can be reached at agitels@luc.edu. In one of her first acts as president of the American Political Science Association in 1996, Elinor Ostrom created the "Task Force on Civic Education for the Next Century." Ostrom pointed to the need to address contemporary, "deep concerns about the viability of democracy in America. . .," concerns rooted in the perceived "decline in civic engagement, political efficacy, and in the capacity of citizens to organize themselves...." Ostrom went on to argue for a number of remedies to deal with the need for greater civic education and civic engagement in the United States (1996, 755-58). The discussion that Ostrom opened, led to the establishment, in 2002, of an APSA standing committee on Civic Education and Engagement. Of course, the roots of this discussion are far deeper than recent APSA initiatives. Theorizing on the conditions necessary to sustain civic responsibility in a political regime can be traced back to ancient political theory. Similarly, the role, status, and evolution of civic education and engagement, particularly among American youth, preoccupied much of the work of Progressives (e.g., Dewey 1900, 1916). Indeed, many of the Progressive reformers devoted considerable attention to the link between education and citizenship. Post World War II political scientists reentered this discussion with the creation of a distinct field known as political socialization. 1967; Hess and Torney 1967) and their sense of nationality (Davies 1968) proliferated in the 1960s and 1970s. So prodigious were students of political socialization that by the end of the 1960s Greenstein declared, "Political socialization is a growth stock" (1970, 969). Political socialization research may have been a growth stock in 1970 but by 1985 Timothy Cook (1985) was pointing out that the bull market had turned decidedly bearish. The number of publications in political socialization between 1977 and 1982 markedly declined and more importantly the number of articles dealing with those younger than high school seniors all but disappeared from political science journals. As Cook (1985, 1080) noted, "childhood . . . disappeared in political science." This rapid decline is often attributed to methodological quarrels centering on the use of survey instruments. Many researchers began to doubt the validity of administering survey instruments to children. Indeed, to some, the responses gleamed from surveys were simply nonattitudes, susceptible to instability and produced by the children's willingness to provide socially correct answers, further contaminated by response set bias (Kolson and Green 1970; Connel 1972; Vaillancourt 1973). But methodological qualms alone cannot explain the fall from favor that political socialization research experienced. Although survey research was the dominant methodology, inventive researchers found other ways to address the questions. Greenstein (1975), for instance, used semi-projective tests and Merelman (1971) used hypothetical dilemmas. For Cook, the decline of political socialization research in the late 1970s is attributable to the failure to take into account psychological models of development. The field's focus on the attitudes of children lead researchers to ignore, sometimes unintentionally, other times quite intentionally (see Greenstein 1970), the fundamental questions of cognition.

56 citations

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TL;DR: Hinckley et al. as discussed by the authors extended the Lewis-Beck and Rice analysis to vice-presidential candidates and found that the vicepresidential candidate is still made by party elites who can purposely take regional appeals into account.
Abstract: Since the publication of Southern Politics, political scientists have been intrigued by the phenomenon of localism in voting patterns. To assess such "friends and neighbors" voting in presidential elections, Lewis-Beck and Rice (1983) devised a technique that takes into account both the electoral traditions of the state and the short-term effect of a particular election. This note extends the Lewis-Beck and Rice analysis to vice-presidential candidates. Such an extension seems particularly warranted since the vicepresidential candidate is one political nomination still made by party elites who can purposely take regional appeals into account. Despite a lack of empirical support, the notion that a vice-president must add balance to the ticket maintains a strong hold (Hinckley, 1985, p. 11). Moreover, although strategic considerations regarding the vicepresidential selection extend to candidate ideology, religion, and type of government experience, the dominant factor has been region. Between 1952 and 1980, for example, 15 of 16 major party tickets showed regional balance. But only six showed an ideological balance; five, a religious balance; and seven balanced candidate experience (legislative vs. executive) (Goldstein, 1982 p. 69). Similarly, between 1884 and 1984, only five of 52 major party nominations (Republicans in 1936 and 1976 and Democrats in 1900, 1908, and 1948) were not regionally balanced-and in four of these, the party with such a ticket lost. The perception of a home state advantage is also the reason that vice-presidential candidates have been so likely to come from electorally large states (Adkison, 1982, p. 334).

39 citations

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TL;DR: The authors examined the voting behavior of the justices in non-unanimous economic cases decided during three terms of the early and three term of the later Burger Court and found that the principal dimensions underlying the decision of economic cases by the early Burger Court appeared to be economic liberalism-conservatism.
Abstract: This article examines the voting behavior of the justices in nonunanimous economic cases decided during three terms of the early and three terms of the later Burger Court. After employing factor analysis, which disclosed three principal dimensions underlying the justices' voting behavior in the first court and two in the second, we carefully examined cases scoring most positively and those scoring most negatively on each of the factors and analyzed the outcomes associated with the decision of each case. The principal dimension underlying the decision of economic cases by the early Burger Court appeared to be economic liberalism-conservatism. Also implicated as lesser factors were deference to the discretion of administrative agencies and either attitude toward business or economic due process. By contrast, the justices' voting behavior in economic cases during the later Burger Court appeared to be best explained by regard for federalism and only secondarily by economic liberalism-conservatism. Only analys...

19 citations


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TL;DR: In this article, a critical examination of democratic theory and its implications for the civic education roles and contributions of teachers, adult educators, community development practitioners, and community organizers is presented.
Abstract: Course Description In this course, we will explore the question of the actual and potential connections between democracy and education. Our focus of attention will be placed on a critical examination of democratic theory and its implications for the civic education roles and contributions of teachers, adult educators, community development practitioners, and community organizers. We will survey and deal critically with a range of competing conceptions of democracy, variously described as classical, republican, liberal, radical, marxist, neomarxist, pragmatist, feminist, populist, pluralist, postmodern, and/or participatory. Using narrative inquiry as a means for illuminating and interpreting contemporary practice, we will analyze the implications of different conceptions of democracy for the practical work of civic education.

4,931 citations

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TL;DR: The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion by John Zaller (1992) as discussed by the authors is a model of mass opinion formation that offers readers an introduction to the prevailing theory of opinion formation.
Abstract: Originally published in Contemporary Psychology: APA Review of Books, 1994, Vol 39(2), 225. Reviews the book, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion by John Zaller (1992). The author's commendable effort to specify a model of mass opinion formation offers readers an introduction to the prevailing vi

3,150 citations

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine what we know about youth participation, general propositions which are substantiated by research or practice, and unanswered questions or unresolved issues which remain for future work.

339 citations