Rogerio Schlegel

Bio: Rogerio Schlegel is an academic researcher from Federal University of São Paulo. The author has contributed to research in topics: Redistribution of income and wealth & Journalism. The author has an hindex of 4, co-authored 14 publications receiving 40 citations. Previous affiliations of Rogerio Schlegel include University of São Paulo.

Internauta brasileiro: perfil diferenciado, opiniões indiferenciadas

Abstract: O artigo pretende contribuir para melhorar a compreensao das relacoes entre o uso da internet, de um lado, e a participacao politica dos cidadaos, de outro. Sua enfase e nos fatores que determinam o uso regular da internet e no perfil do internauta em termos de participacao e valores relacionados a politica. A analise dos dados do survey Latinobarometro de 2007 aponta a idade e a escolaridade como principais determinantes do uso da internet no Brasil, sendo que a ocupacao e uma proxy para renda nao tiveram impacto consistente na chance de conectar-se, contrastando com os casos de Argentina e Chile. Ao mesmo tempo, o publico que integra a comunidade on-line mostrou maior mobilizacao, em termos de participacao politica tradicional, e pouca diferenciacao em materia de opinioes sobre politica, na comparacao com os nao-usuarios da nova tecnologia. Essas evidencias sugerem que a conexao ao mundo digital tende a dar voz a segmentos que ja contam com acesso privilegiado a governantes e elaboradores de politicas, sobretudo por seu capital cultural, embora haja sinais da existencia de oportunidades para outros setores sociais. Tambem indicam que a importância do “digital divide” no pais deve ser relativizada, uma vez que os internautas nao apresentam opinioes com orientacao claramente destoante do restante da populacao.

Preferences Regarding the Vertical Distribution of Authority in Brazil: On Measurement and Determinants

Abstract: This article examines individual preferences toward the vertical distribution of authority in Brazil by means of a representative national survey. We propose an original methodology to tackle two challenges the current literature faces: the effects of multipolarity over voters’ preferences and the conflation of two concepts—"wishes for change" and "preferences over the architecture of the state—both concerning attitudes toward the vertical distribution of authority. We test various theories concerning the importance of territorial identity, socio-demographic factors, and geography of income in determining individual preferences regarding vertical distribution of authority. We find that in Brazil territorial identity does not play a role in determining preferences, whereas socioeconomic status and within-regions inequality do matter, suggesting that Brazil is a type of federation where a dual identity (belonging to one’s region and the national state) prevails as well as within- and cross-region inequality.

Raízes do brasil, 1936: o estatismo orgânico como contribuição original

Abstract: O artigo compara o texto de Raizes do Brasil, publicado por Sergio Buarque de Holanda em 1936, com a segunda (1948) e a terceira edicoes (1956), revistas pelo autor. As modificacoes alteraram substancialmente pontos centrais do ensaio. Do texto anterior a essas metamorfoses emerge a defesa de um Estado forte, de tracos oligarquicos, eventualmente autoritario, que deve se compor com o emocionalismo que marca o carater nacional brasileiro “em contraponto” – imagem que sugere linhas musicais independentes, mas em harmonia. O artigo defende que o “estatismo orgânico” prescrito por Holanda esta mais proximo dos autores autoritarios dos anos de 1930 do que do pioneirismo democratico usualmente atribuido a obra. No entanto, diferencia-se deles por subordinar o protagonismo do Estado as caracteristicas mais essenciais da sociedade.

Covid-19, Fundeb e o populismo do governo Bolsonaro nas relações federativas

Abstract: Resumo: O artigo emprega ferramentas analíticas do policy design e da literatura comparada sobre o populismo contemporâneo para avaliar a resultante dos três primeiros anos do governo Bolsonaro nas relações federativas. A análise das ações e inações do governo federal no combate à pandemia de Covid-19 e na renovação do Fundeb - políticas centrais em duas áreas estruturantes para a federação brasileira no pós-1988 - revelou sinais de desarticulação entre objetivos e instrumentos para desenvolvimento de políticas, caracterizando o predomínio do não desenho (non-design). Também evidenciou o uso da retórica dicotômica e de confronto típica dos populistas, dirigida a governantes subnacionais, STF e outros segmentos da elite política. Juntas, as duas constatações indicam a orientação populista de Bolsonaro para as relações federativas no âmbito das políticas sociais.

The Price for Federalism

Abstract: What is the price of federalism? Does it result in governmental interconnections that are too complex? Does it create overlapping responsibilities? Does it perpetuate social inequalities? Does it stifle economic growth? To answer these questions, Paul Peterson sets forth two theories of federalism: functional and legislative. Functional theory is optimistic. It says that each level of the federal system is well designed to carry out the tasks for which it is mainly responsible. State and local governments assume responsibility for their area's physical and social development; the national government cares for the needy and reduces economic inequities. Legislative theory, in contrast, is pessimistic: it says that national political leaders, responding to electoral pressures, misuse their power. They shift unpopular burdens to lower levels of government while spending national dollars on popular government programs for which they can claim credit. Both theories are used to explain different aspects of American federalism. Legislative theory explains why federal grants have never been used to equalize public services. Elected officials cannot easily justify to their constituents a vote to shift funds away from the geographic area they represent. The overall direction that American federalism has taken in recent years is better explained by functional theory. As the costs of transportation and communication have declined, labor and capital have become increasingly mobile, placing states and localities in greater competition with one another. State and local governments are responding to these changes by overlooking the needs of the poor, focusing instead on economic development. As a further consequence, older, big cities of the Rust Belt, inefficient in their operations and burdened by social responsibilities, are losing jobs and population to the suburban communities that surround them. Peterson recommends that the national government adopt policies that take into account the economic realities identified by functional theory. The national government should give states and localities responsibility for most transportation, education, crime control, and other basic governmental programs. Welfare, food stamps, the delivery of medical services, and other social policies should become the primary responsibility of the national government.

Presidential Communications: Description and Analysis@@@The Paradox of Mass Politics: Knowledge and Opinion in the American Electorate

Abstract: A central current in the history of democratic politics is the tensions between the political culture of an informed citizenry and the potentially antidemocratic impulses of the larger mass of individuals who are only marginally involved in the political world. Given the public s low level of political interest and knowledge, it is paradoxical that the democratic system works at all.In \"The Paradox of Mass Politics\" W. Russell Neuman analyzes the major election surveys in the United States for the period 1948 1980 and develops for each a central index of political sophistication based on measures of political interest, knowledge, and style of political conceptualization. Taking a fresh look at the dramatic findings of public apathy and ignorance, he probes the process by which citizens acquire political knowledge and the impact of their knowledge on voting behavior.The book challenges the commonly held view that politically oriented college-educated individuals have a sophisticated grasp of the fundamental political issues of the day and do not rely heavily on vague political symbolism and party identification in their electoral calculus. In their expression of political opinions and in the stability and coherence of those opinions over time, the more knowledgeable half of the population, Neuman concludes, is almost indistinguishable from the other half. This is, in effect, a second paradox closely related to the first.In an attempt to resolve a major and persisting paradox of political theory, Neuman develops a model of three publics, which more accurately portrays the distribution of political knowledge and behavior in the mass population. He identifies a stratum of apoliticals, a large middle mass, and a politically sophisticated elite. The elite is so small (less than 5 percent) that the beliefs and behavior of its member are lost in the large random samples of national election surveys, but so active and articulate that its views are often equated with public opinion at large by the powers in Washington. The key to the paradox of mass politics is the activity of this tiny stratum of persons who follow political issues with care and expertise. This book is essential reading for concerned students of American politics, sociology, public opinion, and mass communication.\

Regions and Redistribution

Abstract: 1. Regions and redistribution: introduction and overview 2. A theory of fiscal structures in political unions 3. The road ahead: the empirical strategy 4. The European Union: economic geography and fiscal structures under centrifugal representation 5. North America's divide: distributive tensions, risk sharing, and the centralization of public insurance in federations 6. Germany's reunification: distributive tensions and fiscal structures under centripetal representation 7. Endogenous decentralization and welfare resilience: Spain, 1978-2007 8. The political geography of inequality: summary and implications.