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Stephen Tuck

Bio: Stephen Tuck is an academic researcher from University of Oxford. The author has contributed to research in topics: Politics & Racism. The author has an hindex of 10, co-authored 24 publications receiving 289 citations.

Papers
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Book
01 Jan 2001
TL;DR: The first comprehensive history of the civil rights movement in Georgia is presented in this paper, where Tuck interviews with almost two hundred people who worked for, or actively resisted, the freedom movement.
Abstract: The first comprehensive history of the civil rights movement in Georgia This sweeping history of the civil rights movement in the South's largest state tells of many Georgias. On one extreme is Atlanta, a metropolitan center of relative black prosperity and training ground of many movement leaders. On another is Albany. A city deep in the "black belt" of the plantation South, it is the site of Martin Luther King Jr.'s greatest civil rights setback. Somewhere in between is yet another Georgia, a Georgia whose communities once constituted hundreds of Jim Crow fiefdoms where black-white relations were as crude or as nuanced as the outlook of the local sheriff. Beyond Atlanta draws on interviews with almost two hundred people - black and white - who worked for, or actively resisted, the freedom movement. Among the topics Stephen Tuck covers are the absence of consistent support from the movement's national leadership and the frustration and innovation it alternately inspired at the local level. In addition, Tuck reveals friction, along urban-rural and poor-prosperous lines, about movement goals and tactics, and he highlights the often unheralded roles played by African American women, veterans, masons, unions, neighborhood clubs, and local NAACP branches.

48 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Fortune as discussed by the authors called for a national Afro-American League to fight rising racial injustice in the Southern states of the USA in 1887, where he castigated lynching, the suppression of black voting rights, inequities in school funding, chain gangs, the tyranny of segregated railroads and the denial of equal rights and equal access to public and private accommodations.
Abstract: Writing in the New York Freeman on 28 May 1887, ten years after the end of Reconstruction, T. Thomas Fortune called for a national Afro-American League to fight rising racial injustice in the Southern states of the USA. Fortune castigated lynching, the suppression of black voting rights, inequities in school funding, chain gangs, the ‘tyranny’ of segregated railroads and the denial of equal rights and equal access to public and private accommodations. One of the period’s most prominent African American leaders, Fortune had wide experience of America’s race problem. Born a slave in Florida in 1856, Fortune lived in Delaware and Washington DC after the Civil War before returning to Florida. He then left the South for good in 1879 and moved to New York, where he edited a series of influential African American newspapers. At the Afro-American League’s first meeting Fortune called on the delegates, mostly from the Northern and Western states, to stand ‘as representatives of 8 million freedmen, who know our rights and have the courage to defend them’. Thus, African Americans beyond the South would, on behalf of their Southern counterparts, ‘face the enemy and fight inch by inch for every right he denies us’. Yet just over a decade later, Fortune found himself fighting racial oppression, ‘inch by inch’, much closer to home. In 1900 a race riot devastated New York city’s Tenderloin district. Following a spate of assaults, mob violence broke out late on the night of 15 August. The New York Times reported that a crowd of a thousand people ‘started to clean the streets of

42 citations

MonographDOI
01 Feb 2012
TL;DR: In this paper, the Second World War and the Civil Rights Movement are discussed, with a focus on women's roles in the movement and the role of women in the war effort.
Abstract: Contributors Introduction: The Second World War and the Civil Rights Movement- Kevin M. Kruse and Stephen Tuck Chapter 1: Freedom to Want: The Federal Government and Politicized Consumption in World War II- James T. Sparrow Chapter 2: Confronting the Roadblock: Congress, Civil Rights and World War II- Julian E. Zelizer Chapter 3: Segregation and the City: White Supremacy in Alabama in the Mid-Twentieth Century- J. Mills Thornton III Chapter 4: Movement Building during the World War II Era: The NAACP's Legal Insurgency in the South- Patricia Sullivan Chapter 5: Hillburn, Hattiesburg, and Hitler: Wartime Activists Think Globally and Act Locally- Thomas Sugrue Chapter 6: "You can sing and punch EL but you can't be a soldier or a man": African American Struggles for a New Place in Popular Culture- Stephen Tuck Chapter 7: "A War for States' Rights": The White Supremacist Vision of Double Victory- Jason Morgan Ward Chapter 8: The Sexual Politics of Race in WWII America- Jane Dailey Chapter 9: Civil Rights and World War II in a Global Frame: Shape-shifting Racial Formations and the U.S. Encounter with European and Japanese Colonialism- Penny Von Eschen Chapter 10: Race, Rights, and Non-Governmental Organizations at the UN San Francisco Conference: A Contested History of "Human Rights ... without discrimination"- Elizabeth Borgwardt Chapter 11: "Did the Battlefield Kill Jim Crow?": The Cold War Military, Civil Rights, and Black Freedom Struggles- Kimberley L. Phillips

41 citations

Book
25 Jan 2010
TL;DR: Tuck as mentioned in this paper traces the black freedom struggle in all its diversity, from the first years of freedom during the Civil War to President Obama's inauguration, and explores the dynamic relationships between those seeking new freedoms and those looking to preserve racial hierarchies, and between grassroots activists and national leaders.
Abstract: In this exciting revisionist history, Stephen Tuck traces the black freedom struggle in all its diversity, from the first years of freedom during the Civil War to President Obama's inauguration As it moves from popular culture to high politics, from the Deep South to New England, the West Coast, and abroad, Tuck weaves gripping stories of ordinary black people - as well as celebrated figures - into the sweep of racial protest and social change The drama unfolds from an armed march of longshoremen in post - Civil War Baltimore to Booker T Washington's founding of Tuskegee Institute; from the race riots following Jack Johnson's 'fight of the century' to Rosa Parks' refusal to move to the back of a Montgomery bus; and, from the rise of hip hop to the journey of a black Louisiana grandmother to plead with the Tokyo directors of a multinational company to stop the dumping of toxic waste near her home "We Ain't What We Ought To Be" rejects the traditional narrative that identifies the Southern non-violent civil rights movement as the focal point of the black freedom struggle Instead, it explores the dynamic relationships between those seeking new freedoms and those looking to preserve racial hierarchies, and between grassroots activists and national leaders As Tuck shows, strategies were ultimately contingent on the power of activists to protest amidst shifting economic and political circumstances in the US and abroad This book captures an extraordinary journey that speaks to all Americans - both past and future

37 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the 1960s and 1970s period when specific constraints historically limiting entrepreneurial alternatives began to change dramatically, and find that expanding opportunities sharply altered the industry composition of the Black business community.
Abstract: The choice between working as an employee and owning a business is shaped by constraints and opportunities. Among African Americans, understanding why the entrepreneurial path is chosen requires evaluating not only the relative importance of constraints pushing workers toward self-employment versus opportunities pulling entrants into firm ownership, but, more fundamentally, the changing opportunity structures shaping occupational choices. This study focuses on the 1960s and 1970s period when specific constraints historically limiting entrepreneurial alternatives began to change dramatically. Findings indicate that expanding opportunities sharply altered the industry composition of the Black business community.Because economists view the decision to enter into business ownership as an exercise in freedom of choice made on the basis of one’s preferences, they tend not to appreciate that these decisions are made in specific socio-economic contexts and that changes in context matter. Facing altered opportunity structures, prospective Black entrepreneurs have often chosen to abandon fields offering low remuneration—particularly personal services—entering instead into higher yielding fields where creation of viable firms requires investment of capital by owners possessing appropriate expertise. This transformation has remolded the stagnant business community of the mid-1960s into a profoundly different, more dynamic one.

20 citations


Cited by
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A Consumers' Republic (Cohen 2003) is an overview of the political and social impact of mass consumption on the United States from the 1920s to the present day as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Historians and social scientists analyzing the contemporary world unfortunately have too little contact and hence miss some of the ways that their interests overlap and the research of one field might benefit another. I am, therefore, extremely grateful that the Journal of Consumer Research has invited me to share with its readers an overview of my recent research on the political and social impact of the flourishing of mass consumption on twentieth-century America. What follows is a summary of my major arguments, enough to entice you, I hope, to read A Consumers' Republic (Cohen 2003), in which I elaborate on these themes. Although this essay is by necessity schematic, the book itself is filled with extensive historical evidence and is heavily illustrated with period images. In tracing the growing importance of mass consumption to the American economy, polity, culture, and social landscape from the 1920s to the present, I in many ways establish the historical context for your research into contemporary consumer behavior and markets. I hope you will …

763 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Woodward as mentioned in this paper discusses the ante-bellum era (1789-1860) and Reconstruction (1865-1877) and examines the era of "forgotten alternatives" in Southern race relations between 1870 and 1900.
Abstract: Woodward’s argument proceeds along chronological and thematic lines. Chapter one discusses the ante-bellum era (1789-1860) and Reconstruction (1865-1877). Chapter two examines the era of “forgotten alternatives” in Southern race relations between 1870 and 1900. Chapter three examines what Woodward calls the “capitulation to racism” around the turn of the century. And, finally, chapter four examines the “turning point” in race relations that occurred between the 1920s and 1940s in the South.

286 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: The principle of local support is the dominant motif of much writing about community conservation and the integration of conservation with development, however, we should be sceptical of it for several reasons.
Abstract: The principle of local support states that protected areas cannot survive without the support of their neighbours. It is the dominant motif of much writing about community conservation and the integration of conservation with development. However, we should be sceptical of it for several reasons. First, it implies that the weak can defeat the agendas of the strong. Second, the principle ignores the fact that inequality and injustice tend to be perpetrated about the globe. It is not existence of poverty or injustice that will cause problems for conservation, but their distribution within society. Third, a detailed case study from the Mkomazi Game Reserve in Tanzania shows how conservation can flourish despite local opposition. Advocates of community conservation need to pay more attention to fortress conservation's strengths and especially its powerful myths and repre­sentations. Understanding how inequality and conservation are successfully perpetrated will make it easier to understand the politics of more participatory community conservation projects.

230 citations

Reference BookDOI
01 Jan 2004

215 citations