Thomas C. Kennedy

Bio: Thomas C. Kennedy is an academic researcher from University of Arkansas. The author has contributed to research in topics: Peace movement & Peace Testimony. The author has an hindex of 4, co-authored 8 publications receiving 81 citations.

Against the Bomb: The British Peace Movement, 1958-1965.

Abstract: Introduction. Part 1 The mainstream: CND in embryo - the National Council Against Nuclear Weapons Tests formation and advance - the early years of CND, 1958-1960 problems and decline - CND 1961-1965. Part 2 The radicals: the Direct Action Committee - Gandhian pacifism and the nuclear issue the Committee of 100 - mass civil disobedience, radical politics and the peace movement. Part 3 The Socialist dimension: the Labour movement and the peace issue, 1957-1964 Marxists and nuclear disarmament postscript - nuclear protest and radical change. Bibliography. Index.

The Quaker Renaissance and the Origins of the Modern British Peace Movement, 1895–1920

Abstract: Few in Britain were suprised by Quaker opposition to the Great War; the Society of Friends had traditionally condemned war and violence. Many, however, were startled by the nature and intensity of Quaker resistance, which far exceeded anything they had previously attempted. One possible explanation for the militancy of the Society's anti-war stand certainly would be the prospect of enforced military service, a contingency that had not seriously confronted Friends since the seventeenth century. However, this article will argue that the attitudes and actions of Quaker war-resisters were most significantly influenced by a revitalization of the peace testimony that had remained dormant for nearly a century. In her study of Victorian Quakers, Elizabeth Isichei has already noted that the “patterns of world history have made pacifism, which was a peripheral importance in the nineteenth century, one of Quakerism's … central beliefs, and, for some, its most essential element.” The aim here is to show how this development not only transformed British Quakerism, but also gave the Society of Friends—a religious body of less than 20,000 members—a crucial role in shaping the first significant peace movement of the modern era.

Troubled Tories: Dissent and Confusion concerning the Party’s Ulster Policy, 1910–1914

Abstract: B 1910 and 1914 the struggle over Irish Home Rule dominated, diverted, and distorted British politics. In retrospect, the fierce intensity of this interparty conflict, which might have led to civil strife in Ireland but for the intervention of world war, seems entirely out of proportion, especially considering that the majority of British people appear to have been indifferent to or impatient with Irish issues. Still, the battle over Home Rule has fascinated historians throughout the intervening century. Why did Conservatives, representing Britain’s only truly national party, merely adopt the narrow and negative agenda of Ulster Unionism and pursue this for nearly three turbulent years without offering any meaningful alternative Irish policy? Why were various federal or devolutionist plans for resolution of the Irish crisis, developed by thoughtful and respected Conservative thinkers, never given serious consideration? Why did the party readily embrace extremist rhetoric and unconstitutional actions when it prided itself on defending the constitution and upholding law and order? Did such an approach represent a broad consensus or did it reflect a divided party’s inability to determine other politically viable issues to place before the electorate? Why, finally, did party leaders effectively betray southern Irish unionists by accepting partition, a policy that satisfied the Ulster Protestants, who represented 5 percent of Britain’s population, but undermined the ostensible reason for establishing a national Unionist alliance in 1886? Who were the winners and losers, moral as well as political, in this arresting but unedifying contest? For decades, Edwardian Conservatives, and particularly their leader Andrew

Nourishing Life: Russell and the 20th-Century British Peace Movement, 1900-18

Abstract: By now it is fairly commonplace knowledge that Bertrand Russell, despite rumours to the contrary, was never a pacifist. No doubt he helped give currency to those rumours by sometimes calling himselfa pacifist, though at other times he vehemently denied ever being one.! Perhaps this confusion was due in part to the sort of ambivalence he expressed to Lady Ottoline Morrell early in the Great War: "I hardly know what I think. I don't think war always wrong.... I find I can't take Tolstoy's extreme position, and short of that it is so hard to know where to draw the line."2 Russell would probably have appreciated, and approved of, the sort of rigorous analysis that Martin Ceadel has recently applied to the use of the terms pacifist and pacifism. 3 Certainly, his careful definitions will be helpful to those who still conceive of pacifism as something one can be partly or mainly or even a little bit. Ceadel illustrates that pacifism is "an exacting personal faith" which cannot be, and never has been, successfully transformed into a political instrument. 4 Thus, we can safely say that Bertrand Russell was never a pacifist because at every stage of his long career, Russell's involvement in the peace movement was always intensely political. How then are we to describe Russell? Ceadel would call him a "pacificist", an unlovely though historically authentic title. s Since one can confidently predict that, however accurate, pacificism is too ugly to receive a decent hearing, perhaps Jo Vellacott provides the best starting point for describing Russell's place in the constellation of peacemakers. Vellacott calls him a "pragmatic pacifist" or one to whom "peace was of generally overriding importance ... and the route to obtaining or preserving it was negotiable."6 Russell described himself in very much the same way just after he had announced his support for the Allied war effort against Hitler. 7 The plea of pragmatism might help to explain Russell's running the gamut

The Nuclear Taboo: The United States and the Non-Use of Nuclear Weapons Since 1945

Abstract: Why have nuclear weapons not been used since Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945? Nina Tannenwald disputes the conventional answer of 'deterrence' in favour of what she calls a nuclear taboo - a widespread inhibition on using nuclear weapons - which has arisen in global politics. Drawing on newly released archival sources, Tannenwald traces the rise of the nuclear taboo, the forces that produced it, and its influence, particularly on US leaders. She analyzes four critical instances where US leaders considered using nuclear weapons (Japan 1945, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, and the Gulf War 1991) and examines how the nuclear taboo has repeatedly dissuaded US and other world leaders from resorting to these 'ultimate weapons'. Through a systematic analysis, Tannenwald challenges conventional conceptions of deterrence and offers a compelling argument on the moral bases of nuclear restraint as well as an important insight into how nuclear war can be avoided in the future.

Stigmatizing the Bomb: Origins of the Nuclear Taboo

Abstract: Gavin, a principal promoter in the U.S. military of the development of tactical nuclear weapons, wrote, “Nuclear weapons will become conventional for several reasons, among them cost, effectiveness against enemy weapons, and ease of handling.”1 Indeed, during the 1950s numerous U.S. leaders fully expected that a nuclear weapon would become “just another weapon.” Secretary of State John Foster Dulles accepted “the ultimate inevitability” that tactical nuclear weapons would gain “conventional” status.2 Adm. Arthur Radford, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff under President Dwight Eisenhower, predicted in 1956 that the use of nuclear weapons “would become accepted throughout the world just as soon as people could lay their hands upon them.”3 These leaders were articulating a view with a long tradition in the history of weapons and warfare: a weapon once introduced inevitably comes to be widely accepted as legitimate. In reality, however, nuclear weapons have come to be deaned as abhorrent and unacceptable weapons of mass destruction, with a taboo on their use. This taboo is associated with a widespread revulsion toward nuclear weapons and broadly held inhibitions on their use. The opprobrium has come to apply to all nuclear weapons, not just to large bombs or to certain types or uses of nuclear weapons. It has developed to the point that uses of nuclear weapons that were once considered plausible by at least some U.S. decisionmakers—for example, tactical battleaeld uses in limited wars and direct threats to deter enemies from conventional attack—have been severely delegitimized and are practically unthinkable policy options. Thomas Stigmatizing the Bomb

Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy

Abstract: How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler's 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy's fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today's new and old democracies under siege.

Culture and International History

Abstract: List of Illustrations Editors' Preface List of Contributors PART I: METHODOLOGY Introduction: On the Diversity of Knowledge and the Community of Thought: Culture and International History Jessica C.E. Gienow-Hecht Chapter 1. The Power of Culture in International Relations Beate Jahn PART II: CULTURE AND THE STATE Chapter 2. The Great Derby Race: Strategies of Cultural Representation at Nineteenth-Century World Exhibitions Wolfram Kaiser Chapter 3. Manliness and "Realism": The Use of Gendered Tropes in the Debates on the Philippine-American and Vietnam Wars Fabian Hilfrich Chapter 4. A Family Affair? Gender, the U.S. Information Agency, and Cold War Ideology, 1945-1960 Laura A. Belmonte PART III: CULTURAL TRANSMISSION, NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS AND PRIVATE INDIVIDUALS Chapter 5. France and Germany after the Great War: Businessmen, Intellectuals and Artists in Non-Governmental European Networks Guido Mu ller Chapter 6. Small Atlantic World: U.S. Philanthropy and the Expanding International Exchange of Scholars after 1945 Oliver Schmidt Chapter 7. Atlantic Alliances: Cross-Cultural Communication and the 1960s Student Revolution Philipp Gassert Chapter 8. Forecasting the Future: Future Studies as International Networks of Social Analysis in the 1960s and 1970s in Western Europe and the United States Alexander Schmidt-Gernig PART IV: COMMENTS AND CRITICISM OR WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE? Chapter 9. Cultural Approaches to International Relations - A Challenge? Volker Depkat Chapter 10. States, International Systems, and Intercultural Transfer: A Commentary Eckart Conze Chapter 11. "Total Culture" and the State-Private Network: A Commentary Scott Lucas Chapter 12. Gender, Tropes, and Images: A Commentary Marc Frey Chapter 13. Internationalizing Ideologies: A Commentary Seth Fein PART V: ANNOTATED SOURCES Chapter 14. The Invention of State and Diplomacy: The First Political Testament of Frederick III, Elector of Brandenburg (1698) Volker Depkat Chapter 15. The Rat Race for Progress: A Punch Cartoon of the Opening of the 1851 Crystal Palace Exhibition Wolfram Kaiser Chapter 16. Race and Imperialism: An Essay from the Chicago Broad Ax Fabian Hilfrich Chapter 17. A Document from the Harvard International Summer School Scott Lucas Chapter 18. Max Lerner's "Germany HAS a Foreign Policy" Thomas Reuther Chapter 19. Excerpt from Johan Galtung's "On the Future of the International System" Alexander Schmidt-Gernig Chapter 20. The "Children and War" Virtual Forum: Voices of Youth and International Relations Marie Thorsten Index

Understanding Meaning in Movements: A Hermeneutic Approach to Frames and Ideologies

Abstract: Social movements contain structures of beliefs and values that guide critical action and aid activists' understandings. These are worthy of interrogation, not least because they contain points of articulation with ideational formations found in both mainstream politics and academia. They offer an alternative view of society, economy and polity that is grounded in protagonists' experience and struggle. However, the ideational content of social movements is often obscured by a focus on particular, immediate goals; by their orientation to certain forms of action; and by the mediated, simplified nature of their communication. Additionally, recent social movements display a tendency to coalition action, bringing a diverse set of political understandings in concert on highly specific campaigns. This conceptual article seeks an approach to identifying the messages within social movements that remains sensitive to their complexity, dynamism and heterogeneity. Through a critique of the concept of ‘interpretative f...