Calls for community forestry on public forests grew in strength in both British Columbia and the United States during the 1990s, as part of a global movement touting the advantages of community control over centralized state administration of forests. Despite structural similarities, the trajectories of community forestry in the two locations diverged sharply, with community forests rapidly becoming a reality in British Columbia while similar proposals in the United States were blocked. This article explains these divergent trajectories by examining the differences in property relations, state institutions, stakeholder interests, and environmental social-movement strategies that led to nearly opposite outcomes in initially similar situations. It also analyzes community forestry in British Columbia relative to current debates over neoliberalism and alternative economies, arguing that detailed examination of such empirical examples demonstrates the utility of neoliberalism as an analytical concept.

Neoliberalism and the Politics of Alternatives: Community Forestry in British Columbia and the United States

OVER THE LAST hundred years some of the classic works in American history have dealt with the relationship between the natural environment and American society, but environmental history as a distinct field is a far more recent development. Early works on the environment clustered in western history. Frederick Jackson Turner in "The Significance of the Frontier in American History" and Walter Prescott Webb in The Great Plains made the physical environment central to their analyses. Later, James Malin rejected the often crude environmental determinism of Webb and Turner, and attempted instead to engage in an ecological analysis which stressed the complexity and interdependency of the relationship between human social institutions and nature. Malin is a likely founder of modern environmental history, but he himself disclaimed the description of his work as ecological history. After Malin, direct examination of the historical relationship between society and the natural environment languished. Western history itself declined in influence during the 1960s, and although younger scholars within the field continued to do significant work on environmental topics, western histo-

American Environmental History: The Development of a New Historical Field

It’s about Time: Conservation Biology and History

Creating a modern wilderness playground : the transformation of the Adirondack State Park, 1920--1980

This article examines environmental activists' views of place-based collaboration and how they have related to it in the management of U.S. national forests. We first present a brief historical overview of the issues that led to the emergence of place-based collaboration in the U.S. West. We then discuss the main themes in the environmentalist critique of place-based collaboration. Next we present case studies of three prominent examples of place-based collaboration in the West--the Quincy Library Group in California and the Applegate Partnership and Lake County Community Sustainability Initiative in Oregon--to explore the relationship of environmentalists to place-based collaboration. We conclude with a discussion of the possibilities for environmentalists in place-based collaboration.

Environmental Resistance to Place-Based Collaboration in the U.S. West

A Conspiracy of Optimism: Management of the National Forests Since World War II Paul W. Hirt

Forestry in Hawaii began with Gifford Pinchot. Or so Ralph S. Hosmer, a Pinchot protege, argued. According to Hosmer, the Hawaiian Sugar Planter's Association, concerned that deforestation was endangering watersheds essential for irrigating the plantations of its members, in 1903 persuaded Hawaii's legislature to pass a bill creating a Board of Commissioners of Agriculture and Forestry and calling for the employment of a professional forester to head a Division of Forestry within it. Governor Sanford B. Dole named Lorrin A. Thurston, long a leading public figure in Hawaii, president of the board. Thurston promptly wrote to Pinchot for advice. The latter responded by dispatching William L. Hall to the islands to study conditions and, subsequently, recommended the hiring of Hosmer (M.E, Yale, 1902) as the first "Superintendent of Forestry" for the territory. Forestry in Hawaii followed.1

The Birth of Hawaiian Forestry: The Web of Influences

IN THE LATE SUMMER Of 1919 Stephen T. Mather and Madison Grant, two leaders in the nascent struggle for the preservation of America's scenic beauty, came to the west coast. Mather was director of the National Park Service, a bureau he had helped create. More than any other man he was responsible for vitalizing the administration of the scenic preserves established by Congress.' Grant, though destined to be remembered primarily for his anti-immigration work, was just as dedicated to saving America's beauty from despoilation. As a respected amateur naturalist, president of the Bronx Parkway Commission, chairman of the executive committee of the New York Zoological Society, and prominent New York citizen, Grant came west with Mather not as a subordinate, but as a co-worker.2 Their visit presaged a turning point in the conservation movement on the Pacific coast.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/info/3637071

The Crusade to Save Oregon's Scenery

PTER PARKER, the commissioner of the United States to China, proposed in 1857 that his country establish control over the island known to Westerners as Formosa. In recounting the story of Parker's proposal, Tyler Dennett, the pioneer historian of American involvement in East Asia, emphasized the nationalistic arguments that Parker and his allies marshalled in support of the idea. During the decades since, other American historians have explicitly or implicitly supported Dennett's assessment. Foster Rhea Dulles put it succinctly when he wrote that Parker was an imperialist of the same school as William Seward and Commodore Matthew C. Perry.' Such an interpretation makes Parker's proposal seem an almost perfect illustration of the self-confident American nationalism of the 1840s and 1850s, the spirit that gave rise to the idea of Manifest Destiny. Dennett, however, based his interpretation almost exclusively on materials in Parker's official correspondence, materials

https://www.jstor.org/stable/info/3638465

Thomas R. Cox

Papers

A Conspiracy of Optimism: Management of the National Forests Since World War II Paul W. Hirt

The Birth of Hawaiian Forestry: The Web of Influences

The Crusade to Save Oregon's Scenery

Harbingers of Change: American Merchants and the Formosa Annexation Scheme

Champoeg, Place of Transition John A. Hussey