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Tom Griffin

Bio: Tom Griffin is an academic researcher. The author has contributed to research in topics: Islamophobia & Cohesion (linguistics). The author has an hindex of 3, co-authored 3 publications receiving 38 citations.

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01 Sep 2015
TL;DR: For example, the United Jewish Israel Appeal (HJS) as mentioned in this paper is a major UK-based fundraiser for Israel that has close ties to both the Labour Party and the Conservatives, with MP Lee Scott serving as campaign director between 1988-98, as well as chief whip Michael Gove and Lord Ian Livingston considered active supporters today.
Abstract: ion Fund n/a 0 6,490 0 0 n/a 6,490 Somekh Family Foundation 0 0 0 3,245 3,245 n/a 6,490 Koret Foundation 0 0 1,298 1,298 0 n/a 2,596 Michael Koss Charitable Foundation 0 325 325 0 0 n/a 649 Income accounted for 0 8,325 208,113 286,369 561,528 388,190 1,452,524 Percentage of income accounted for 0 2.60% 25.50% 28.10% 42.80% n/a n/a Total income 97,531 320,694 814,977 1,020,659 1,313,126 n/a n/a Table 1. HJS known donors and total income, listed in order of known donation amounts in £ Sterling454 THE HENRY JACKSON SOCIETY AND THE DEGENERATION OF BRITISH NEOCONSERVATISM 62 Figure 7 shows a comparison of the scale of the funding from each donor to selected recipients. Many of these donors also contribute towards a variety of social welfare, education and other religious or humanitarian causes, which are not reflected here. However, the recipients we have identified reflect the most significant overlap between donors among more political causes. The United Jewish Israel Appeal is a major UK-based fundraiser for Israel that has close ties to both the Labour Party, with Lord Michael Levy currently serving as honorary president,459 and the Conservatives, with MP Lee Scott serving as campaign director between 1988-98, as well as chief whip Michael Gove and Lord Ian Livingston considered active supporters today.460 It is the British branch of Keren Hayesod – United Israel Appeal, one of the three ‘national institutions’ in Israel, which has branches in 45 countries around the world and focuses its attention mainly on bringing Jewish immigrants to Israel, helping them settle into the country, and public relations outreach to diaspora Jews. It works closely with the Israeli Prime Minister’s office.461 Figure 7. This graph shows the same 11 UK trusts and foundations and the amounts donated to HJS (in blue), as well as the amounts donated to selected pro-Israel organisations between 2008 and 2013 in GBP. The Jerusalem Foundation (based in Israel) appears less frequently than the two British Zionist groups in Fig. 6 above, UJIA and the CST.458 Figure 6. Donors to HJS (in red) that also gave to three pro-Israel organisations (in blue): the United Jewish Israel Appeal, the Jerusalem Foundation and the Community Security Trust. Included here are all but one of the thirteen top known donors to HJS in 2013.457 As the diagram shows, every single one of these HJS donors also gave to at least one of the three pro-Israel groups. The CST received funds from all but two of HJS’s top donors; the UJIA received funds from all but one.

14 citations


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TL;DR: It would be most reasonable not to use the concept ''nation'' or its derivatives at all in political discourse as discussed by the authors, and it would be more reasonable to use ''nation" instead of ''nation''.
Abstract: It would be most reasonable not to use the concept \"nation\" or its derivatives at all in political discourse.

194 citations

Journal Article

63 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a digital e-book for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever, which can be used for educational material for preschool through 12th grade.
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61 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: The Global Political Economy of Israel, by Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler as discussed by the authors is a comprehensive analysis of Israel's political economy that takes a view diametrically opposed to theirs, and maintains that Israel's story is best understood in terms of socialist ideology implemented via the labor and financial markets.
Abstract: The Global Political Economy of Israel, by Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler. London, UK and Sterling, VA: Pluto Press, 2002. xiv + 357 pages. Figures. Tables. Bibl. to p. 371. Index to p. 407. $95.95 cloth; $29.95 paper. Reviewed by Yakir Plessner The stated purpose of this Marxist book (pp. 2-3) is to replace what is described as the conventional wisdom ruling the interpretation of Israel's politico-economic history, by an all-encompassing one, rooted in the country's evolution as a capitalist society. That conventional wisdom is depicted as (1) the economy was shaped by a socialist-statist ideology and by the defense imperative; (2) Israel, a special case not comparable to any other polity, has evolved as a classless society. Instead, Israel's economic development, the evolution of its conflict with the Arabs, and the concomitant internal political history, are all attributed to the workings of a ruling class, motivated by the desire to accumulate capital. In particular, it is differential capital accumulation by absentee owners (p. 16) that shaped, much like any other capitalist society, Israel's story. The authors proceed to lay the groundwork for analyzing Israel's power structure in its relation to capital accumulation, and as if to stress the non-uniqueness of the Israeli case, devote a long chapter to linking the country to what is termed the Petrodollar-Weapondollar coalition. This, as well as the long bout with inflation, are interpreted as furthering the interests of the ruling class. In the process, labor exploitation has intensified through "deepening" - a term used unconventionally to describe increased profits per worker (e.g., p. 14). Conventionally, deepening is defined as the increase of the capital-labor ratio - a crucial point, because without it growth is much harder to achieve. And per-capita growth involves both increased wages and increased profits per worker. It is one thing to accept the fact that a ruling class, in terms of control of assets, has developed in Israel; it is another to attribute to that fact the evolution of the country's political economy. Strangely, the authors never mention the one comprehensive analysis of Israel's political economy that takes a view diametrically opposed to theirs, and maintains that Israel's story is best understood in terms of socialist ideology implemented via the labor and financial markets.1 But perhaps this is not really surprising, given that the authors accuse Israel's academic community of substituting advice for serious research (p. 5), which they claim is "typical of an academic community locked into a rigid consensus." Throwing stones at a glass house is fine if the thrower does not himself sit in one. On this the authors fail miserably. Start with the assertion that Israel's welfare state has been on the decline (p. …

50 citations