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Tony Ward

Bio: Tony Ward is an academic researcher from University of Hull. The author has contributed to research in topics: State crime & Jury. The author has an hindex of 13, co-authored 64 publications receiving 860 citations. Previous affiliations of Tony Ward include Northumbria University & University of Westminster.


Papers
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Book
20 Jan 2004
TL;DR: Gangsters, warlords and governments corruption and state power states and trans-national crime state-corporate crime "natural" disasters criminal policing torture and punishment war crimes genocide.
Abstract: Gangsters, warlords and governments corruption and state power states and trans-national crime state-corporate crime "natural" disasters criminal policing torture and punishment war crimes genocide.

214 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine countries as diverse as Turkey and the United Kingdom from the perspective of a continuum, rather than as two discrete, incomparable state formations, and assess the universality of their approach using examples from two different state traditions, Anglo-American and Turkish.
Abstract: THE AIM OF THIS ARTICLE IS TO SUGGEST HOW CRIMINOLOGY CAN REMEDY ITS neglect of the important phenomenon of state crime, without adopting such a broad definition of "crime" as to destroy what coherence criminology has as a distinct field of study. To assess the universality of our approach we employ examples from two different state traditions, Anglo-American and Turkish. Our definition allows us to examine countries as diverse as Turkey and the United Kingdom from the perspective of a continuum, rather than as two discrete, incomparable state formations -- authoritarian and democratic. One of our reasons for selecting Turkey as a comparative example is that it is a democratizing state with an authoritarian historical backdrop. Torture of detainees, extrajudicial killings and disappearances, violent public order policing, forced evacuations, the razing of whole villages, and the routine harassment of trade unionists, media workers, and human rights defenders form the human rights landscape in much of Turkey (see Amnesty International, 1998; European Commission, 1998; Human Rights Foundation of Turkey, 1997, 1998; Human Rights Watch, 1999). Torture is, however, in breach of Article 17 of the Constitution and Articles 243 and 245 of the penal code, and is punishable by up to five years of imprisonment. Proposals documented in the new draft penal code are set to increase the powers of the courts in punishing state officials found guilty of torture and ill treatment of detainees. In some celebrated cases, state officials have been charged with criminal conduct, but they are few and the crimes a re many. In 1999, six police officers were sentenced to five and one-half years each for torturing a suspect to death in 1993, but most other cases against state officials have resulted in very lenient sentences, fines, or acquittals. The violence of the Turkish state is of a different order of magnitude to that employed in most liberal democracies. Yet instances of violent crime by British and American state officials are not difficult to find -- recent revelations about the Los Angeles Police Department, and allegations of brutality against officers at the Wormwood Scrubs and Wandsworth prisons in England are among the more obvious examples. Less well-publicized is the extent to which legally unjustifiable violence is routinely used by police to enforce social discipline in some working-class areas (Choongh, 1997; Waddington, 1999). Despite the arguments of some theorists (e.g., Giddens, 1985) to the contrary, the use and threat of physical violence remain central to state power in liberal democracies. Cover's remarks on American criminal trials bring this out vividly: If convicted the defendant customarily walks -escorted--to prolonged confinement, usually without significant disturbance to the civil appearance of the event. It is, of course, grotesque to assume that the civil facade is voluntary." ...There are societies in which contrition and shame control defendants' behaviour to a greater extent than does violence.... But I think it is unquestionably the case in the United States that most prisoners walk into prison because they know they will be dragged or beaten into prison if they do not walk (Cover, 1986: 1, 607). The legal limits of legitimate force are inherently vague -- it is impossible to define in advance exactly what form of dragging or beating the prisoner may legitimately receive -- and strict enforcement of what limits do exist is intrinsically difficult and will often be contrary to the interests of the enforcing agency. It would therefore be surprising to discover any state in which criminal or legally ambiguous acts of violence by state agents did not occur. It would be equally astounding if any state were able to eliminate the innumerable opportunities for predatory crime inherent in economic regulation and revenue-raising (Smart, 1999). Some states, however, plainly commit far more and more serious crimes than others do, and it might be expected that these differences would be among the central concerns of criminology (Comfort, 1950). …

106 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
Tony Ward1
TL;DR: The (English) Infanticide Act 1922 created a partial defence to murder for a woman who killed her newly born child while the balance of her mind was disturbed as a result of giving birth.
Abstract: The (English) Infanticide Act 1922 created a partial defence to murder for a woman who killed her newly born child while the balance of her mind was disturbed as a result of giving birth. Prior to ...

81 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper explored the connections between various forms of organized political violence and ostensibly private, non-political violence in post-invasion Iraq, focusing on gender-based violence and the links between militias and organized crime.
Abstract: This article explores the connections between various forms of organized political violence and ostensibly private, non-political violence in post-invasion Iraq, focusing on gender-based violence and the links between militias and organized crime. We argue that, as in other civil wars, much of the violence is dual-purpose', simultaneously serving private and political goals, and that despite a decline in violence since 2007, the situation created by the overthrow of the previous dictatorship remains extremely dangerous.

78 citations

Book
01 Jan 1989
TL;DR: The authors set the scene for the American experience and the British experience in the early 1970s and 1980s, and described the public, the private and the social order of the British public, private and social order.
Abstract: Setting the scene the American experience Britain - interpreting the American experience Britain - precedents and issues the shallow end - the public, the private and the social.

33 citations


Cited by
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The second edition of the Second Edition as mentioned in this paper is a collection of essays about philosophy and social sciences with a focus on the nature of meaningful behaviour and its relationship to the social sciences.
Abstract: Preface to the Second Edition Part 1: Philosophical Bearings 1. Aims and Strategy 2. The Underlabourer Conception of Philosophy 3. Philosophy and Science 4. The Philosopher's Concern with Language 5. Conceptual and Empirical Enquiries 6. The Pivotal Role of Epistemology in Philosophy 7. Epistemology and the Understanding of Society 8. Rules: Wittgenstein's Analysis 9. Some Misunderstandings of Wittgenstein Part 2: The Nature of Meaningful Behaviour 1. Philosophy and Sociology 2. Meaningful Behaviour 3. Activities and Precepts 4. Rules and Habits 5. Reflectiveness Part 3: The Social Studies as Science 1. J.S. Mill's 'Logic of the Moral Sciences' 2. Differences in Degree and Differences in Kind 3. Motives and Causes 4. Motives, Dispositions and Reasons 5. The Investigation of Regularities 6. Understanding Social Institutions 7. Prediction in the Social Studies Part 4: The Mind and Society 1. Pareto: Logical and Non-Logical Conduct 2. Pareto: Residues and Derivations 3. Max Weber: Verstehen and Causal Explanation 4. Max Weber: Meaningful Action and Social Action Part 5: Concepts and Actions 1. The Internality of Social Relations 2. Discursive and Non-Discursive 'Ideas' 3. The Social Sciences and History 4. Concluding Remark

1,329 citations

Journal Article
Robert W. Cox1
TL;DR: Cox as mentioned in this paper discusses various gramscian concepts and what their implications are for the study of different historical forms of hegemony and counter-hegemony, and suggests that these could have a revolutionary effect on international structures and organizations, as well as rupture with the hegemony performed by the transnational economic order.
Abstract: Este articulo es, a dia de hoy, una de las piezas clasicas y fundamentales para la posibilidad de estudiar las relaciones globales de poder a partir de las herramientas conceptuales desarrolladas por Gramsci a lo largo de su obra. Cox, contribuye de esta forma a las corrientes criticas de las Relaciones Internacionales al discutir varios conceptos gramscianos y cuales serian las implicaciones para estudiar las relaciones internacionales en distintos periodos de hegemonia y contrahegemonia. De igual forma, el autor planteo la cuestion –en su momento novedosa– de la relevancia de tomar en cuenta los procesos internos de construccion de bloques historicos contrahegemonicos como aquellos que podrian tener un efecto revolucionario en las estructuras y organizaciones internacionales, asi como ruptura con la hegemonia plasmada como una clase perteneciente a un orden economico universal transnacional. This article is a classic and fundamental for approaching global power relations with the conceptual tools developed by Gramsci. Cox contributes to critical thought in International Relations by discussing various gramscian concepts and what their implications are for the study of different historical forms of hegemony and counter-hegemony. Also, the author draws our attention –novel at the time of its publicaction– to the relevance of taking into account the construction of domestic counter-hegemonic historic blocs. He suggests that these could have a revolutionary effect on international structures and organizations, as well as rupture with the hegemony performed by the transnational economic order.

1,081 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors demonstrate how African rulers hold on to power while severed from foreign aid and subjected to collapsing economies and disappearing bureaucracies, focusing on the examples of Liberia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Zaire.
Abstract: Focusing on the examples of Liberia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Zaire, this text demonstrates how African rulers hold on to power while severed from foreign aid and subjected to collapsing economies and disappearing bureaucracies.

1,045 citations

Journal Article

599 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The book is c;xtmsivdy rekenad with citations to a variety of archival materials, primary litmame, and aubobiagraphical w m, as well as wdlm bo pmoml interviews conducted by the author.
Abstract: & and the Holacaust. Ovcrall,Ralandhasmadcauaiquc d ~ y a o d i b l e c o n t r i ~ o n t o t h e historical literature on the HoImllst. The book is c;xtmsivdy rekenad with citations to a variety of archival materials, primary litmame, and aubobiagraphical w m , as wdlm bo pmoml interviews conducted by the author. A h to Roland's d r , he diractly codion& conflicts that cxist in c o m e 8 acmunts a£ some wens and offers explando118 when mmmblc. Alehaugh rhis is a scholarly boo4 the resulting tat is concise and wtly integrated, rcadmg much like a novdla. Whik historians of the H o I ~ Judaica, and medial hiswry will h d that thls book provides new irmgh~t~ and detail, it is compdhg andpmwative reading .Ear all who d d e r & d y e s students of hulnaniq.

387 citations