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Yu Xie

Bio: Yu Xie is an academic researcher from Princeton University. The author has contributed to research in topics: Population & China. The author has an hindex of 52, co-authored 180 publications receiving 12934 citations. Previous affiliations of Yu Xie include University of Michigan & University of Wisconsin-Madison.


Papers
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Journal ArticleDOI
Daniel J. Benjamin1, James O. Berger2, Magnus Johannesson3, Magnus Johannesson1, Brian A. Nosek4, Brian A. Nosek5, Eric-Jan Wagenmakers6, Richard A. Berk7, Kenneth A. Bollen8, Björn Brembs9, Lawrence D. Brown7, Colin F. Camerer10, David Cesarini11, David Cesarini12, Christopher D. Chambers13, Merlise A. Clyde2, Thomas D. Cook14, Thomas D. Cook15, Paul De Boeck16, Zoltan Dienes17, Anna Dreber3, Kenny Easwaran18, Charles Efferson19, Ernst Fehr20, Fiona Fidler21, Andy P. Field17, Malcolm R. Forster22, Edward I. George7, Richard Gonzalez23, Steven N. Goodman24, Edwin J. Green25, Donald P. Green26, Anthony G. Greenwald27, Jarrod D. Hadfield28, Larry V. Hedges15, Leonhard Held20, Teck-Hua Ho29, Herbert Hoijtink30, Daniel J. Hruschka31, Kosuke Imai32, Guido W. Imbens24, John P. A. Ioannidis24, Minjeong Jeon33, James Holland Jones34, Michael Kirchler35, David Laibson36, John A. List37, Roderick J. A. Little23, Arthur Lupia23, Edouard Machery38, Scott E. Maxwell39, Michael A. McCarthy21, Don A. Moore40, Stephen L. Morgan41, Marcus R. Munafò42, Shinichi Nakagawa43, Brendan Nyhan44, Timothy H. Parker45, Luis R. Pericchi46, Marco Perugini47, Jeffrey N. Rouder48, Judith Rousseau49, Victoria Savalei50, Felix D. Schönbrodt51, Thomas Sellke52, Betsy Sinclair53, Dustin Tingley36, Trisha Van Zandt16, Simine Vazire54, Duncan J. Watts55, Christopher Winship36, Robert L. Wolpert2, Yu Xie32, Cristobal Young24, Jonathan Zinman44, Valen E. Johnson18, Valen E. Johnson1 
University of Southern California1, Duke University2, Stockholm School of Economics3, University of Virginia4, Center for Open Science5, University of Amsterdam6, University of Pennsylvania7, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill8, University of Regensburg9, California Institute of Technology10, New York University11, Research Institute of Industrial Economics12, Cardiff University13, Mathematica Policy Research14, Northwestern University15, Ohio State University16, University of Sussex17, Texas A&M University18, Royal Holloway, University of London19, University of Zurich20, University of Melbourne21, University of Wisconsin-Madison22, University of Michigan23, Stanford University24, Rutgers University25, Columbia University26, University of Washington27, University of Edinburgh28, National University of Singapore29, Utrecht University30, Arizona State University31, Princeton University32, University of California, Los Angeles33, Imperial College London34, University of Innsbruck35, Harvard University36, University of Chicago37, University of Pittsburgh38, University of Notre Dame39, University of California, Berkeley40, Johns Hopkins University41, University of Bristol42, University of New South Wales43, Dartmouth College44, Whitman College45, University of Puerto Rico46, University of Milan47, University of California, Irvine48, Paris Dauphine University49, University of British Columbia50, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich51, Purdue University52, Washington University in St. Louis53, University of California, Davis54, Microsoft55
TL;DR: The default P-value threshold for statistical significance is proposed to be changed from 0.05 to 0.005 for claims of new discoveries in order to reduce uncertainty in the number of discoveries.
Abstract: We propose to change the default P-value threshold for statistical significance from 0.05 to 0.005 for claims of new discoveries.

1,586 citations

Posted Content
TL;DR: This article proposed to change the default P-value threshold for statistical significance for claims of new discoveries from 0.05 to 0.005, which is the threshold used in this paper.
Abstract: We propose to change the default P-value threshold for statistical significance for claims of new discoveries from 0.05 to 0.005.

1,415 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: It is established that China’s income inequality since 2005 has reached very high levels, with the Gini coefficient in the range of 0.53–0.55, and it is argued that China's current high income inequality is significantly driven by structural factors attributable to the Chinese political system and the rural-urban divide.
Abstract: Using multiple data sources, we establish that China's income inequality since 2005 has reached very high levels, with the Gini coefficient in the range of 0.53–0.55. Analyzing comparable survey data collected in 2010 in China and the United States, we examine social determinants that help explain China’s high income inequality. Our results indicate that a substantial part of China’s high income inequality is due to regional disparities and the rural-urban gap. The contributions of these two structural forces are particularly strong in China, but they play a negligible role in generating the overall income inequality in the United States, where individual-level and family-level income determinants, such as family structure and race/ethnicity, play a much larger role.

601 citations

Book
15 Oct 2003
TL;DR: In this article, a comprehensive study of gender differences in science careers provides a systematic account of how US youths are selected into and out of science education in early life and how social forces affect career outcomes later in the science labour market.
Abstract: Why do so few women choose a career in science - even as they move into medicine and law in ever-greater numbers? This comprehensive study of gender differences in science careers provides a systematic account of how US youths are selected into and out of science education in early life and how social forces affect career outcomes later in the science labour market The authors explore the extent and causes of gender differences in undergraduate and graduate science education, in scientists' geographic mobility, in research productivity, in promotion rates and earnings, and in the experience of immigrant scientists They conclude that the gender gap in parenting responsibilities is a critical barrier to the further advancement of women in science

591 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Analysis of data from four large, nationally representative, cross-sectional surveys of postsecondary faculty in 1969, 1973, 1988, and 1993 suggests that sex Differences in research productivity stem from sex differences in structural locations and respond to the secular improvement of women's position in science.
Abstract: Numerous studies have found that female scientists publish at lower rates than male scientists. So far explanations for this consistent pattern have failed to emerge, and sex differences in research productivity remain a puzzle. We report new empirical evidence based on a systematic and detailed analysis of data from four large, nationally representative, cross-sectional surveys of postsecondary faculty in 1969, 1973, 1988, and 1993. Our research yields two main findings. First, sex differences in research productivity declined over the time period studied, with the female-to-male ratio increasing from about 60 percent in the late 1960s to 75 to 80 percent in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Second, most of the observed sex differences in research productivity can be attributed to sex differences in personal characteristics, structural positions, and marital status. These results suggest that sex differences in research productivity stem from sex differences in structural locations and as such respond to the secular improvement of women's position in science.

532 citations


Cited by
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TL;DR: The homophily principle as mentioned in this paper states that similarity breeds connection, and that people's personal networks are homogeneous with regard to many sociodemographic, behavioral, and intrapersonal characteristics.
Abstract: Similarity breeds connection. This principle—the homophily principle—structures network ties of every type, including marriage, friendship, work, advice, support, information transfer, exchange, comembership, and other types of relationship. The result is that people's personal networks are homogeneous with regard to many sociodemographic, behavioral, and intrapersonal characteristics. Homophily limits people's social worlds in a way that has powerful implications for the information they receive, the attitudes they form, and the interactions they experience. Homophily in race and ethnicity creates the strongest divides in our personal environments, with age, religion, education, occupation, and gender following in roughly that order. Geographic propinquity, families, organizations, and isomorphic positions in social systems all create contexts in which homophilous relations form. Ties between nonsimilar individuals also dissolve at a higher rate, which sets the stage for the formation of niches (localize...

15,738 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a Bayesian approach to hypothesis testing, model selection, and accounting for model uncertainty is presented, which is straightforward through the use of the simple and accurate BIC approximation, and it can be done using the output from standard software.
Abstract: It is argued that P-values and the tests based upon them give unsatisfactory results, especially in large samples. It is shown that, in regression, when there are many candidate independent variables, standard variable selection procedures can give very misleading results. Also, by selecting a single model, they ignore model uncertainty and so underestimate the uncertainty about quantities of interest. The Bayesian approach to hypothesis testing, model selection, and accounting for model uncertainty is presented. Implementing this is straightforward through the use of the simple and accurate BIC approximation, and it can be done using the output from standard software. Specific results are presented for most of the types of model commonly used in sociology. It is shown that this approach overcomes the difficulties with P-values and standard model selection procedures based on them. It also allows easy comparison of nonnested models, and permits the quantification of the evidence for a null hypothesis of interest, such as a convergence theory or a hypothesis about societal norms.

6,100 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: A Treatise on the Family by G. S. Becker as discussed by the authors is one of the most famous and influential economists of the second half of the 20th century, a fervent contributor to and expounder of the University of Chicago free-market philosophy, and winner of the 1992 Nobel Prize in economics.
Abstract: A Treatise on the Family. G. S. Becker. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 1981. Gary Becker is one of the most famous and influential economists of the second half of the 20th century, a fervent contributor to and expounder of the University of Chicago free-market philosophy, and winner of the 1992 Nobel Prize in economics. Although any book with the word "treatise" in its title is clearly intended to have an impact, one coming from someone as brilliant and controversial as Becker certainly had such a lofty goal. It has received many article-length reviews in several disciplines (Ben-Porath, 1982; Bergmann, 1995; Foster, 1993; Hannan, 1982), which is one measure of its scholarly importance, and yet its impact is, I think, less than it may have initially appeared, especially for scholars with substantive interests in the family. This book is, its title notwithstanding, more about economics and the economic approach to behavior than about the family. In the first sentence of the preface, Becker writes "In this book, I develop an economic or rational choice approach to the family." Lest anyone accuse him of focusing on traditional (i.e., material) economics topics, such as family income, poverty, and labor supply, he immediately emphasizes that those topics are not his focus. "My intent is more ambitious: to analyze marriage, births, divorce, division of labor in households, prestige, and other non-material behavior with the tools and framework developed for material behavior." Indeed, the book includes chapters on many of these issues. One chapter examines the principles of the efficient division of labor in households, three analyze marriage and divorce, three analyze various child-related issues (fertility and intergenerational mobility), and others focus on broader family issues, such as intrafamily resource allocation. His analysis is not, he believes, constrained by time or place. His intention is "to present a comprehensive analysis that is applicable, at least in part, to families in the past as well as the present, in primitive as well as modern societies, and in Eastern as well as Western cultures." His tone is profoundly conservative and utterly skeptical of any constructive role for government programs. There is a clear sense of how much better things were in the old days of a genderbased division of labor and low market-work rates for married women. Indeed, Becker is ready and able to show in Chapter 2 that such a state of affairs was efficient and induced not by market or societal discrimination (although he allows that it might exist) but by small underlying household productivity differences that arise primarily from what he refers to as "complementarities" between caring for young children while carrying another to term. Most family scholars would probably find that an unconvincingly simple explanation for a profound and complex phenomenon. What, then, is the salient contribution of Treatise on the Family? It is not literally the idea that economics could be applied to the nonmarket sector and to family life because Becker had already established that with considerable success and influence. At its core, microeconomics is simple, characterized by a belief in the importance of prices and markets, the role of self-interested or rational behavior, and, somewhat less centrally, the stability of preferences. It was Becker's singular and invaluable contribution to appreciate that the behaviors potentially amenable to the economic approach were not limited to phenomenon with explicit monetary prices and formal markets. Indeed, during the late 1950s and throughout the 1960s, he did undeniably important and pioneering work extending the domain of economics to such topics as labor market discrimination, fertility, crime, human capital, household production, and the allocation of time. Nor is Becker's contribution the detailed analyses themselves. Many of them are, frankly, odd, idiosyncratic, and off-putting. …

4,817 citations

01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: This article investigated whether income inequality affects subsequent growth in a cross-country sample for 1965-90, using the models of Barro (1997), Bleaney and Nishiyama (2002) and Sachs and Warner (1997) with negative results.
Abstract: We investigate whether income inequality affects subsequent growth in a cross-country sample for 1965-90, using the models of Barro (1997), Bleaney and Nishiyama (2002) and Sachs and Warner (1997), with negative results. We then investigate the evolution of income inequality over the same period and its correlation with growth. The dominating feature is inequality convergence across countries. This convergence has been significantly faster amongst developed countries. Growth does not appear to influence the evolution of inequality over time. Outline

3,770 citations