Example of Politics & Gender format
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Example of Politics & Gender format Example of Politics & Gender format Example of Politics & Gender format Example of Politics & Gender format Example of Politics & Gender format Example of Politics & Gender format
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Example of Politics & Gender format Example of Politics & Gender format Example of Politics & Gender format Example of Politics & Gender format Example of Politics & Gender format Example of Politics & Gender format
Sample paper formatted on SciSpace - SciSpace
This content is only for preview purposes. The original open access content can be found here.
open access Open Access

Politics & Gender — Template for authors

Categories Rank Trend in last 3 yrs
Gender Studies #46 of 155 down down by 13 ranks
Sociology and Political Science #390 of 1269 down down by 90 ranks
journal-quality-icon Journal quality:
Good
calendar-icon Last 4 years overview: 165 Published Papers | 290 Citations
indexed-in-icon Indexed in: Scopus
last-updated-icon Last updated: 08/06/2020
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Journal Performance & Insights

Impact Factor

CiteRatio

Determines the importance of a journal by taking a measure of frequency with which the average article in a journal has been cited in a particular year.

A measure of average citations received per peer-reviewed paper published in the journal.

1.65

112% from 2018

Impact factor for Politics & Gender from 2016 - 2019
Year Value
2019 1.65
2018 0.779
2017 1.641
2016 2.109
graph view Graph view
table view Table view

1.8

CiteRatio for Politics & Gender from 2016 - 2020
Year Value
2020 1.8
2019 1.8
2018 1.9
2017 1.9
2016 1.4
graph view Graph view
table view Table view

insights Insights

  • Impact factor of this journal has increased by 112% in last year.
  • This journal’s impact factor is in the top 10 percentile category.

insights Insights

  • This journal’s CiteRatio is in the top 10 percentile category.

SCImago Journal Rank (SJR)

Source Normalized Impact per Paper (SNIP)

Measures weighted citations received by the journal. Citation weighting depends on the categories and prestige of the citing journal.

Measures actual citations received relative to citations expected for the journal's category.

0.792

28% from 2019

SJR for Politics & Gender from 2016 - 2020
Year Value
2020 0.792
2019 1.107
2018 1.188
2017 0.861
2016 1.405
graph view Graph view
table view Table view

1.206

13% from 2019

SNIP for Politics & Gender from 2016 - 2020
Year Value
2020 1.206
2019 1.393
2018 0.896
2017 0.925
2016 1.26
graph view Graph view
table view Table view

insights Insights

  • SJR of this journal has decreased by 28% in last years.
  • This journal’s SJR is in the top 10 percentile category.

insights Insights

  • SNIP of this journal has decreased by 13% in last years.
  • This journal’s SNIP is in the top 10 percentile category.

Politics & Gender

Guideline source: View

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Cambridge University Press

Politics & Gender

Politics & Gender is an agenda-setting journal that publishes the highest quality scholarship on gender and politics and on women and politics. It aims to represent the full range of questions, issues, and approaches on gender and women across the major subfields of political ...... Read More

Gender Studies

Sociology and Political Science

Social Sciences

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Last updated on
08 Jun 2020
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ISSN
1743-923X
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Impact Factor
High - 1.055
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Open Access
No
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Sherpa RoMEO Archiving Policy
Green faq
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Plagiarism Check
Available via Turnitin
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Endnote Style
Download Available
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Bibliography Name
unsrt
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Citation Type
Numbered
[25]
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Bibliography Example
G E Blonder, M Tinkham, and T M Klapwijk. Transition from metallic to tunneling regimes in superconducting microconstrictions: Excess current, charge imbalance, and supercurrent conversion. Phys. Rev. B, 25(7):4515–4532, 1982. 10.1103/PhysRevB.25.4515.

Top papers written in this journal

Journal Article DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X07000062
Intersectionality as a Normative and Empirical Paradigm
Ange-Marie Hancock1
01 Jun 2007 - Politics & Gender

Abstract:

In the 10 years that I have conducted intersectional research, my views have changed significantly in terms of how I conceptualize the subspecialization. Originally I thought of intersectionality as a content-based specialization that emphasized the subjectivity of women who reside at the intersections of race-, gender-, clas... In the 10 years that I have conducted intersectional research, my views have changed significantly in terms of how I conceptualize the subspecialization. Originally I thought of intersectionality as a content-based specialization that emphasized the subjectivity of women who reside at the intersections of race-, gender-, class-, and sexual orientation–based marginalizations (and other categories of difference). Thinking of it in this way, with a focus on content, follows the logic of much groundbreaking work in women's studies and women and politics scholarship. The primary pursuit of this focus is inclusion – incorporating previously ignored and excluded populations into preexisting frameworks to broaden our knowledge base regarding traditional questions of political science. For example, examining gender differences in voting behavior, party identification, candidate recruitment, and social movements has contributed critical knowledge to the discipline of political science. read more read less

Topics:

Intersectionality (56%)56% related to the paper, Voting behavior (52%)52% related to the paper, Social movement (51%)51% related to the paper, Sexual orientation (51%)51% related to the paper
437 Citations
Journal Article DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X08000342
Gender Quotas and Women's Substantive Representation: Lessons from Argentina
Susan Franceschet1, Jennifer M. Piscopo2
01 Sep 2008 - Politics & Gender

Abstract:

This article integrates the comparative literature on gender quotas with the existing body of research on women's substantive representation. Quota laws, which bring greater numbers of women into parliaments, are frequently assumed to improve women's substantive representation. We use the Argentine case, where a law mandating... This article integrates the comparative literature on gender quotas with the existing body of research on women's substantive representation. Quota laws, which bring greater numbers of women into parliaments, are frequently assumed to improve women's substantive representation. We use the Argentine case, where a law mandating a 30% gender quota was adopted in 1991, to show that quotas can affect substantive representation in contradictory and unintended ways. To do so, we disaggregate women's substantive representation into two distinct concepts: substantive representation as process, where women change the legislative agenda, and substantive representation as outcome, where female legislators succeed in passing women's rights laws in the Argentine Congress. We argue that quota laws complicate both aspects of substantive representation. Quotas generate mandates for female legislators to represent women's interests, while also reinforcing negative stereotypes about women's capacities as politicians. Our case combines data from bill introduction and legislative success from 1989 to 2007 with data from 54 interviews conducted in 2005 and 2006. We use this evidence to demonstrate that representation depends on the institutional environment, which is itself shaped by quotas. Institutions and norms simultaneously facilitate and obstruct women's substantive representation. read more read less

Topics:

Representation (politics) (53%)53% related to the paper
View PDF
400 Citations
Journal Article DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X0505004X
Critical Mass Theory Revisited: The Behavior and Success of Token Women in State Legislatures
Kathleen A. Bratton1
01 Mar 2005 - Politics & Gender

Abstract:

Research on women and representation has argued that women who serve in “skewed” legislatures—that is, legislatures in which women make up less than 15% of the membership—avoid addressing women's interests and are marginalized by other legislators I argue that women in such legislatures may actually be encouraged to develop l... Research on women and representation has argued that women who serve in “skewed” legislatures—that is, legislatures in which women make up less than 15% of the membership—avoid addressing women's interests and are marginalized by other legislators I argue that women in such legislatures may actually be encouraged to develop legislative agendas that are distinct from those of their male colleagues, and that they may be as successful as their male counterparts Analyzing data from three state legislatures in four years, I find that even in extremely skewed state legislatures, women are generally more active than men in sponsoring legislation that focuses on women's interests; indeed, in two of the three states, gender differences narrow as the legislature becomes more gender balanced Second, I find that women are generally as successful as men in passing the legislation that they sponsor, and that in very homogeneous settings, they are sometimes more successful than men Moreover, little evidence exists that they are less likely to be appointed to leadership positions Finally, I find that increasing gender diversity within a legislature is accompanied by a greater overall focus on women's issues I conclude that a “critical mass” is not necessary for substantive representation on the part of individual female state legislators, but that increased diversity may indeed bring about changes in policy outputs that reflect the interests of women read more read less

Topics:

Gender diversity (56%)56% related to the paper, Legislature (54%)54% related to the paper, Legislation (53%)53% related to the paper
304 Citations
Journal Article DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X06060107
Reforming Representation: The Diffusion of Candidate Gender Quotas Worldwide
Mona Lena Krook1
01 Sep 2006 - Politics & Gender

Abstract:

In recent years, more than a hundred countries have adopted quotas for the selection of female candidates to political office. Examining individual cases of quota reform, scholars offer four basic causal stories to explain quota adoption: Women mobilize for quotas to increase women's representation, political elites recognize... In recent years, more than a hundred countries have adopted quotas for the selection of female candidates to political office. Examining individual cases of quota reform, scholars offer four basic causal stories to explain quota adoption: Women mobilize for quotas to increase women's representation, political elites recognize strategic advantages for supporting quotas, quotas are consistent with existing or emerging notions of equality and representation, and quotas are supported by international norms and spread through transnational sharing. Although most research focuses on the first three accounts, I argue that the fourth offers the greatest potential for understanding the rapid diffusion of gender quota policies, as it explicitly addresses the potential connections among quota campaigns. In a theory-building exercise, I combine empirical work on gender quotas with insights from the international norms literature to identify four distinct international and transnational influences on national quota debates: international imposition, transnational emulation, international tipping, and international blockage. These patterns reveal that domestic debates often have international and transnational dimensions, at the same time that they intersect in distinct ways with international and transnational trends. As work on gender quotas continues to grow, therefore, I call on scholars to move away from simple accounts of diffusion to a recognition of the multiple processes shaping the spread of candidate gender quotas worldwide.I would like to thank Judith Squires, Sarah Childs, Ewan Harrison, and participants in the Institute for Social and Economic Research and Policy Graduate Fellows Workshop at Columbia University, as well as the editors and three anonymous reviewers at Politics & Gender, for their helpful comments. Earlier versions of this article were presented as a paper at the International Studies Association Annual International Convention, Montreal, Canada, March 17–20, 2004, and at the British International Studies Association Annual Conference, University of Warwick, Coventry, UK, December 20–22, 2004. read more read less

Topics:

International studies (61%)61% related to the paper, Convention (51%)51% related to the paper
View PDF
265 Citations
Journal Article DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X06251146
Should Feminists Give Up on Critical Mass? A Contingent Yes
Sarah Childs1, Mona Lena Krook2
01 Dec 2006 - Politics & Gender

Abstract:

Today's historic level of women in national parliaments—while still far short of parity at 16%—owes much to the global spread of gender quotas. This process, in turn, owes much to the concept of “critical mass”: International organizations, transnational networks, party politicians, women's activists, and even ordinary citize... Today's historic level of women in national parliaments—while still far short of parity at 16%—owes much to the global spread of gender quotas. This process, in turn, owes much to the concept of “critical mass”: International organizations, transnational networks, party politicians, women's activists, and even ordinary citizens argue that women should constitute 30% of all political bodies, the magic number where female legislators are said to be able to make a difference. As the notion of critical mass has gained wide currency in the real world, however, many scholars have come to question its utility and relevance for analyzing women's legislative behavior. Indeed, as the number of studies grows, it is increasingly obvious that there is neither a single nor a universal relationship between the percentage of women elected to political office and the passage of legislation beneficial to women as a group: In some cases, women are able to work more effectively together as their numbers grow, but in others, women appear to make a difference—in fact, sometimes a greater difference—when they form a small minority of legislators, either because their increased numbers provoke a backlash among male legislators or because their increased numbers allow individual women to pursue other policy goals. These contradictions thus raise the question: Should feminists give up on critical mass? Or are there any compelling reasons—either theoretical or practical—for retaining the concept in debates on women's political representation? read more read less

Topics:

Legislation (51%)51% related to the paper, Legislature (50%)50% related to the paper
View PDF
237 Citations
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Frequently asked questions

1. Can I write Politics & Gender in LaTeX?

Absolutely not! Our tool has been designed to help you focus on writing. You can write your entire paper as per the Politics & Gender guidelines and auto format it.

2. Do you follow the Politics & Gender guidelines?

Yes, the template is compliant with the Politics & Gender guidelines. Our experts at SciSpace ensure that. If there are any changes to the journal's guidelines, we'll change our algorithm accordingly.

3. Can I cite my article in multiple styles in Politics & Gender?

Of course! We support all the top citation styles, such as APA style, MLA style, Vancouver style, Harvard style, and Chicago style. For example, when you write your paper and hit autoformat, our system will automatically update your article as per the Politics & Gender citation style.

4. Can I use the Politics & Gender templates for free?

Sign up for our free trial, and you'll be able to use all our features for seven days. You'll see how helpful they are and how inexpensive they are compared to other options, Especially for Politics & Gender.

5. Can I use a manuscript in Politics & Gender that I have written in MS Word?

Yes. You can choose the right template, copy-paste the contents from the word document, and click on auto-format. Once you're done, you'll have a publish-ready paper Politics & Gender that you can download at the end.

6. How long does it usually take you to format my papers in Politics & Gender?

It only takes a matter of seconds to edit your manuscript. Besides that, our intuitive editor saves you from writing and formatting it in Politics & Gender.

7. Where can I find the template for the Politics & Gender?

It is possible to find the Word template for any journal on Google. However, why use a template when you can write your entire manuscript on SciSpace , auto format it as per Politics & Gender's guidelines and download the same in Word, PDF and LaTeX formats? Give us a try!.

8. Can I reformat my paper to fit the Politics & Gender's guidelines?

Of course! You can do this using our intuitive editor. It's very easy. If you need help, our support team is always ready to assist you.

9. Politics & Gender an online tool or is there a desktop version?

SciSpace's Politics & Gender is currently available as an online tool. We're developing a desktop version, too. You can request (or upvote) any features that you think would be helpful for you and other researchers in the "feature request" section of your account once you've signed up with us.

10. I cannot find my template in your gallery. Can you create it for me like Politics & Gender?

Sure. You can request any template and we'll have it setup within a few days. You can find the request box in Journal Gallery on the right side bar under the heading, "Couldn't find the format you were looking for like Politics & Gender?”

11. What is the output that I would get after using Politics & Gender?

After writing your paper autoformatting in Politics & Gender, you can download it in multiple formats, viz., PDF, Docx, and LaTeX.

12. Is Politics & Gender's impact factor high enough that I should try publishing my article there?

To be honest, the answer is no. The impact factor is one of the many elements that determine the quality of a journal. Few of these factors include review board, rejection rates, frequency of inclusion in indexes, and Eigenfactor. You need to assess all these factors before you make your final call.

13. What is Sherpa RoMEO Archiving Policy for Politics & Gender?

SHERPA/RoMEO Database

We extracted this data from Sherpa Romeo to help researchers understand the access level of this journal in accordance with the Sherpa Romeo Archiving Policy for Politics & Gender. The table below indicates the level of access a journal has as per Sherpa Romeo's archiving policy.

RoMEO Colour Archiving policy
Green Can archive pre-print and post-print or publisher's version/PDF
Blue Can archive post-print (ie final draft post-refereeing) or publisher's version/PDF
Yellow Can archive pre-print (ie pre-refereeing)
White Archiving not formally supported
FYI:
  1. Pre-prints as being the version of the paper before peer review and
  2. Post-prints as being the version of the paper after peer-review, with revisions having been made.

14. What are the most common citation types In Politics & Gender?

The 5 most common citation types in order of usage for Politics & Gender are:.

S. No. Citation Style Type
1. Author Year
2. Numbered
3. Numbered (Superscripted)
4. Author Year (Cited Pages)
5. Footnote

15. How do I submit my article to the Politics & Gender?

It is possible to find the Word template for any journal on Google. However, why use a template when you can write your entire manuscript on SciSpace , auto format it as per Politics & Gender's guidelines and download the same in Word, PDF and LaTeX formats? Give us a try!.

16. Can I download Politics & Gender in Endnote format?

Yes, SciSpace provides this functionality. After signing up, you would need to import your existing references from Word or Bib file to SciSpace. Then SciSpace would allow you to download your references in Politics & Gender Endnote style according to Elsevier guidelines.

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