Institution
Georgetown University Law Center
About: Georgetown University Law Center is a based out in . It is known for research contribution in the topics: Supreme court & Global health. The organization has 585 authors who have published 2488 publications receiving 36650 citations. The organization is also known as: Georgetown Law & GULC.
Topics: Supreme court, Global health, Public health, Health policy, Human rights
Papers published on a yearly basis
Papers
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors consider the viability of the social enterprise experiment in light of self-regulation theory, and related fields such as the law and economics of auditors and other gatekeepers.
Abstract: Social enterprise is a form of corporate organization in which firms are empowered to distribute profits, but are also free to trade off profit for other socially beneficial ends Benefit corporation statutes, the most popular form of social enterprise legislation, provide that social enterprise firms must self-assess their public benefits according to third-party standards Delaware and other states also allow firms to further commit to obtain periodic certification from a third-party auditor that the social enterprise firm is fulfilling its commitment to the public interest
In effect, social enterprise replaces charity’s web of government regulation with a set of private contracts This presents a puzzle for scholars of the nonprofit sector, for whom the received wisdom, tracing to Henry Hansmann, is precisely that organizations adopt the nonprofit form exactly because the costs of contracting for the production of most charitable goods is prohibitive Social enterprise proponents suggest that third-party standard setting might be sufficient to give social enterprise the transparency needed to make contracting possible
This Chapter will consider the viability of the social enterprise experiment in light of self-regulation theory, and related fields such as the law and economics of auditors and other “gatekeepers” In general, the lessons are that voluntary regulation is, while capable of reining in some of the worst collective action dilemmas, usually subject to very serious constraints To the extent that self-regulatory systems would be “effective” at assuring some small and unsophisticated donors, they raise consumer protection concerns
Some of the most significant constraints self-regulation faces derive from a “regulated” firm’s ability to choose its own monitor I therefore propose changes to state social enterprise laws that would condition social enterprise status on a firm’s random assignment to a state-approved list of audit firms I consider and reject critiques of a similar earlier proposal for public-company auditors
13 citations
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the historical variation in federal judicial rulings regarding whether Chapter 13 bankruptcy filers could reduce the principal owed on a home loan to the home's market value.
Abstract: Recent proposals to address housing market troubles through principal modification raise the possibility that such policies could increase the cost of credit in the mortgage market. We explore this using historical variation in federal judicial rulings regarding whether Chapter 13 bankruptcy filers could reduce the principal owed on a home loan to the home’s market value. The practice, known as cramdown, was definitively prohibited by the Supreme Court in 1993. We find evidence that home loans closed during the time when cramdown was allowed had interest rates 12-16 basis points higher than loans closed in the same state when cramdown was not allowed, which translates to a roughly one percent increase in monthly payments. Consistent with the theory that lenders are pricing in the risk of principal modification, interest rate increases are higher for the riskiest borrowers and zero for the least risky, as well as higher in states where Chapter 13 filing is more common.
13 citations
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TL;DR: It is hypothesised that basic income guarantees might have the greatest positive health impact for beneficiaries, though this is heavily contingent on programme design and how financing affects other social welfare programmes.
Abstract: Inadequate financial resources are a major driver for poor health. Financial insecurity contributes to health inequities in mutually reinforcing ways, with some effects lasting years. Fostering financial security to reduce the likelihood or magnitude of such pressures would have significant present and future health benefits. We review several models for bolstering financial security to determine which have the most significant health contributions based on current evidence and their theoretical potential. We hypothesise that basic income guarantees might have the greatest positive health impact for beneficiaries, though this is heavily contingent on programme design and how financing affects other social welfare programmes. Cash transfer programmes also contribute to financial security and promote health, with particularly strong evidence for the health benefits of conditional cash transfers, and may be more feasible programmes in some contexts.
13 citations
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the Islamic State systematically targeted different social groups with distinct forms of violence, including sexual violence, and they find evidence of gang rape of Yazidi women and forced marriage of Sunni Muslim women.
Abstract: The Islamic State, which controlled significant territory in Iraq and Syria between 2014 and 2017, engaged in a wide repertoire of violence against civilians living in these areas. Despite extensive media coverage and scholarly attention, the determinants of this pattern of violence remain poorly understood. We argue that, contrary to a widespread assumption that the Islamic State wielded violence indiscriminately, it systematically targeted different social groups with distinct forms of violence, including sexual violence. Our theory focuses on ideology, suggesting it is a necessary element of explanations of patterns of violence on the part of many armed actors. Ideologies, to varying extent, prescribe organizational policies that order or authorize particular forms of violence against specific social groups and institutions that regulate the conditions under which they occur. We find support for our theory in the case of sexual violence by the Islamic State by triangulating between several types of qualitative data: official documents; social media data generated by individuals in or near Islamic State-controlled areas; interviews with Syrians and Iraqis who have knowledge of the organization’s policies including victims of violence and former Islamic State combatants; and secondary sources including local Arabic-language newspapers. Consistent with our theory, we find that the organization adopted ideologically motivated policies that authorized certain forms of sexual violence, including sexual slavery and child marriage. Forms of violence that violated organizational policies but were nonetheless tolerated by many commanders also occurred and we find evidence of two such practices: gang rape of Yazidi women and forced marriage of Sunni Muslim women.
13 citations
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TL;DR: The fetal heartbeat law in Texas as mentioned in this paper allows private individuals to bring civil lawsuits not just against physicians but also against anyone who "knowingly engages in conduct that aids or abets the performance or inducement of an abortion, regardless of whether the person knew the abortion was unlawful".
Abstract: Thirteen states have enacted so-called “fetal heartbeat” laws banning abortions once embryotic cardiac activity can be detected. Courts have enjoined their enforcement as unconstitutional. However, on September 1, 2021, the Supreme Court declined to block a Texas fetal heartbeat law, which virtually eliminates access to abortion services. Texas Governor Greg Abbott signed SB8 into law on May 19th, with an effective date of September 1st. The law essentially prohibits abortion after 6 weeks of gestational age, before most women know they are pregnant.
Texas’ fetal heartbeat law has a unique feature. It empowers private individuals to bring civil lawsuits not just against physicians but also against anyone who “knowingly engages in conduct that aids or abets the performance or inducement of an abortion,” regardless of whether the person knew the abortion was unlawful. It includes “reimbursing the costs of an abortion through insurance.” The language is so broad that it could cover a friend, clergyman, or even a driver who counsels a woman or transports her to an abortion clinic. SB8 goes further, imposing liability if the person even “intends to engage in the conduct.” Any citizen may bring a civil lawsuit and, if successful, violators are required to pay damages of $10,000 or more for each abortion, along with costs and attorney’s fees. SB8 therefore leaves the law’s enforcement not to state officials, but to private individuals, who are rewarded with damages.
13 citations
Authors
Showing all 585 results
Name | H-index | Papers | Citations |
---|---|---|---|
Lawrence O. Gostin | 75 | 879 | 23066 |
Michael J. Saks | 38 | 155 | 5398 |
Chirag Shah | 34 | 341 | 5056 |
Sara J. Rosenbaum | 34 | 425 | 6907 |
Mark Dybul | 33 | 61 | 4171 |
Steven C. Salop | 33 | 120 | 11330 |
Joost Pauwelyn | 32 | 154 | 3429 |
Mark Tushnet | 31 | 267 | 4754 |
Gorik Ooms | 29 | 124 | 3013 |
Alicia Ely Yamin | 29 | 122 | 2703 |
Julie E. Cohen | 28 | 63 | 2666 |
James G. Hodge | 27 | 225 | 2874 |
John H. Jackson | 27 | 102 | 2919 |
Margaret M. Blair | 26 | 75 | 4711 |
William W. Bratton | 25 | 112 | 2037 |