London School of Economics and Political Science

About: London School of Economics and Political Science is a education organization based out in London, United Kingdom. It is known for research contribution in the topics: Population & Politics. The organization has 8759 authors who have published 35017 publications receiving 1436302 citations.

Women, careers, and work-life preferences

Abstract: There are no sex differences in cognitive ability but enduring sex differences in competitiveness, life goals, the relative emphasis on agency versus connection. Policy-makers’ and feminist emphasis on equal opportunities and family-friendly policies assumes that sex discrimination is the primary source of sex differentials in labour market outcomes—notably the pay gap between men and women. However, some careers and occupations cannot be domesticated—examples are given—and this also poses limits to social engineering. Recent research shows that high levels of female employment and family-friendly policies reduce gender equality in the workforce and produce the glass ceiling. Preference theory is the only theory that can explain these new trends, the continuing pay gap and occupational segregation. Preference theory implies that there are at least three types of career rather than one. However, the differences between men and women's career goals are smaller than sometimes thought.

A New Approach to Explaining Fertility Patterns: Preference Theory

Abstract: Changing patterns of family life and declining fertility in modern societies have attracted substantial research attention and policy debate yet we seem no nearer to a full understanding of current trends nor to explanations that are adequate enough to provide the basis for predictions. Preference theory was elaborated by the author in Work-Lifestyle Choices in the 21st Century (2000). This article shows how it provides a new theoretical framework for understanding current changes in modern societies and for predicting future developments; constitutes a qualitative break from economic theories of fertility change; and provides an alternative basis for the development of family policy. It presents findings from a national survey in Britain designed to test preference theory’s predictions regarding fertility and employment with positive results. (authors)

Measuring Over‐education

Abstract: Previous work on over-education has assumed homogeneity of workers and jobs. Relaxing these assumptions, we find that over-educated workers have lower education credentials than matched graduates. Among the over-educated graduates we distinguish between the apparently over-educated workers, who have similar unobserved skills as matched graduates, and the genuinely over-educated workers, who have a much lower skill endowment. Over-education is associated with a pay penalty of 5%–11% for apparently over-educated workers compared with matched graduates and of 22%–26% for the genuinely over-educated. Over-education originates from the lack of skills of graduates. This should be taken into consideration in the current debate on the future of higher education in the UK.

Dimensions and alignments in european union politics: Cognitive constraints and partisan responses

Abstract: As the European Union (EU) has evolved, the study agenda has shifted from ‘European integration’ to ‘EU politics’. Missing from this new agenda, however, is an understanding of the ‘cognitive constraints’ on actors and how actors respond, i.e. the shape of the EU ‘political space’ and the location of social groups and competition between actors within this space. The article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the shape of the EU political space (the interaction between an Integration-Independence and Left- Right dimension and the location of class and sectoral groups within this map), and tests this framework on the policy positions of the Socialist, Christian Democrat and Liberal party leaders between 1976 and 1994 (using the techniques of the ECPR Party Manifestos Group Project). The research finds that the two dimensions were salient across the whole period, explains why the party families converged on pro-European positions by the 1990s and discovers the emergence of a triangular ‘core’ of EU politics.