University of Nebraska Omaha

About: University of Nebraska Omaha is a education organization based out in Omaha, Nebraska, United States. It is known for research contribution in the topics: Population & Poison control. The organization has 4526 authors who have published 8905 publications receiving 213914 citations. The organization is also known as: UNO & University of Omaha.

Unrecognized Pretransplant and Donor-Derived Cryptococcal Disease in Organ Transplant Recipients

Abstract: Background: Cryptococcosis occurring ≤30 days after transplantation is an unusual event, and its characteristics are not known. Methods: Patients included 175 solid-organ transplant (SOT) recipients with cryptococcosis in a multicenter cohort. Very early-onset and late-onset cryptococcosis were define as disease occurring ≤30 days or >30 days after transplantation, respectively. Results: Very early-onset disease developed in 9 (5%) of the 175 patients at a mean of 5.7 days after transplantation. Overall, 55.6% (5 of 9) of the patients with very early-onset disease versus 25.9% (43 of 166) of the patients with late-onset disease were liver transplant recipients (P = .05). Very early cases were more likely to present with disease at unusual locations, including transplanted allograft and surgical fossa/site infections (55.6% vs 7.2%; P < .001). Two very early cases with onset on day 1 after transplantation (in a liver transplant recipient with Cryptococcusisolated from the lung and a heart transplant recipient with fungemia) likely were the result of undetected pretransplant disease. An additional 5 cases involving the allograft or surgical sites were likely the result of donor-acquired infection. Conclusions: A subset of SOT recipients with cryptococcosis present very early after transplantation with disease that appears to occur preferentially in liver transplant recipients and involves unusual sites, such as the transplanted organ or the surgical site. These patients may have unrecognized pretransplant or donor-derived cryptococcosis. © 2010 by the Infectious Diseases Society of America. All rights reserved.

Collective Identity and Basketball: An Explanation for the Decreasing Number of African-Americans on America's Baseball Diamonds

Abstract: IntroductionA growing body of evidence shows that African-Americans are underrepresented in the stands and on the fields of baseball parks. While African-Americans comprise 12.5 percent of the national U.S. population, only five percent of those in the stands at Major League games during the 1997 season were African-American (Melcher, 1997), and the percentage of blacks on Major League playing fields is the lowest since 1968 (Lapchick & Matthews, 2001). On the surface it appears that basketball is to Black culture what baseball was more than 50 years ago. There may be numerous processes bringing about this change. One of these dynamics, however, is a cultural shift for African-Americans in what Appiah (2000) calls "collective identity" (p. 610). Through collective identity certain aspects of an individual's culture become part of that individual's self-image and self-identification. Basketball has become a means of expression and freedom in African-American communities, particularly those in the inner city (Boyd, 1997; Early, 2000). Black male youngsters are encouraged by mass media (Kelley, 1997) and authority figures (Harris, 1994) to pursue basketball. Youth baseball coaches and officials report that basketball draws Black youths' attention away from baseball (Ogden, 2002). Fifty years ago, however, baseball captured the imagination of Black youngsters and their communities. Much in the same way as they have used basketball to create cultural space, African-Americans used baseball as a means of collective identity and civic pride, despite Blacks' exclusion from the highest and most lucrative levels of organized play (Peterson, 1970; Ribowsky, 1995).This article focuses on some of the reasons for the shift from baseball to basketball in African-American culture and among African-American male youths. Although the perspectives offered here are not exhaustive of the possible reasons for that shift, they can serve as a foundation for reaching a deeper understanding of the change.Baseball and African-American CultureTo gain a sense of the shift in collective identity from baseball to basketball, one needs to investigate the role of baseball for African-Americans during the first half of the 20th century and how that role changed during the last half of the century. African-Americans embraced the game of baseball and formed their own professional organizations and styles for the game. Some Black teams achieved commercial success shortly after the turn of the century in major cities, "where the burgeoning Negro populations insured a faithful nucleus of ardent fans" (Peterson, 1970, p. 68). Most of the profits from those Black teams, however, went into the pockets of White owners and White booking agents. But Black entrepreneurs and baseball veterans, such as Frank Leland and Andrew "Rube" Foster, worked to ensure that Black baseball teams became black-owned businesses. Foster's goal of allowing African-Americans to reap the economic benefits of professional baseball was realized through his control of the Negro National League. Foster envisioned that the league "would not only encourage opportunities for black capitalists but would also generate jobs for blacks on and off the diamond, as scouts, umpires, clerks, and secretaries" (Riess, 1999, p. 200). In 1920, the inaugural season of the league, teams in Kansas City and Indianapolis were drawing as many as 10,000 to Sunday games (Peterson, 1970). Chicago Leland Giants' games drew crowds between 4,000 and 10,000 and the team had its own booster club which met weekly (Peterson, 1970). Rader (1994) estimates that Negro League games drew approximately two million spectators in 1942. In 1947, Jackie Robinson's inaugural year in the Major Leagues, the Negro Leagues' East-West "all-star" game in Chicago was attended by more than 48,000, "perhaps hoping for a look at some future major-league stars" (Peterson, 1970, p. 201).Smaller African-American communities also used baseball teams as an expression and extension of identity during the first few decades of the 20th century. …

Van der Waals trilayers and superlattices: Modification of electronic structures of MoS2 by intercalation

Abstract: We perform a comprehensive first-principles study of the electronic properties of van der Waals (vdW) trilayers via intercalating a two-dimensional (2D) monolayer (ML = BN, MoSe2, WS2, or WSe2) between MoS2 bilayer to form various MoS2/ML/MoS2 sandwich trilayers. We find that the BN monolayer is the most effective sheet to decouple the interlayer vdW coupling of the MoS2 bilayer, and the resulting sandwich trilayer can recover the electronic structures of the MoS2 monolayer, particularly the direct-gap character. Further study of the MoS2/BN superlattices confirms the effectiveness of the BN monolayer for the decoupling of the MoS2-MoS2 interaction. In addition, the intercalation of transition-metal dichalcogenide (TMDC) MoSe2 or WSe2 sheet renders the sandwich trilayer undergoing an indirect-gap to direct-gap transition due to the newly formed heterogeneous S/Se interfaces. In contrast, the MoS2/WS2/MoS2 sandwich trilayer still retains the indirect-gap character of the MoS2 bilayer due to the lack of the heterogeneous S/Se interfaces. Moreover, the 3D superlattice of the MoS2/TMDC heterostructures also exhibits similar electronic band characters as the MoS2/TMDC/MoS2 trilayer heterostructures, albeit slight decrease of the bandgap than the trilayers. Compared to the bulk MoS2, the 3D MoS2/TMDC superlattice can give rise to new and distinctive properties. Our study offers not only new insights into electronic properties of the vdW multilayer heterostructures but also guidance in designing new heterostructures to modify electronic structures of 2D TMDC crystals.