Showing papers by "University of Nigeria, Nsukka published in 1971"
TL;DR: The procedure used for isolating choline is suggested as a simple method for separating choline from nitrogenous base mixtures (particularly mixtures containing other less strongly basic quaternary amines) in biological materials.
23 citations
TL;DR: The Aborigines' Protection Society (APS) was one of the most significant checks on the sagging moral conscience in Britain during the later years of the nineteenth century as discussed by the authors, and it was mainly at Hodgkin's instigation, and as a result of deliberations at informal gatherings of Friends, that Thomas Fowell Buxton, the reformer, in 1835 obtained the appointment of a Select Committee of the House of Commons "to consider what measures ought to be adopted with regard to the native inhabitants of countries where British settlements are made, and to the neighbouring tribes,
Abstract: The Aborigines' Protection Society was one of the most significant checks on the sagging moral conscience in Britain during the later years of the nineteenth century. As a humanitarian movement, its organization and operational tactics remained as old-fashioned as its compeers; but it came to proclaim its own idealism, to develop its own character, its own identity, and to create its own myths. If the last dozen years of the nineteenth and the first decade of the twentieth century were difficult years for humanitarian crusades, the Aborigines' Protection Society nevertheless managed to make an impression as an important pressure-group. After the Emancipation Act of 1833, more imaginative philanthropists and Quakers had come to believe that it was equally important to be friend and watch over the interests of other aboriginal peoples than those really enslaved. Among these humanitarians, Dr. Thomas Hodgkin was one of the most zealous. He had nourished a deep veneration for William Penn, the Quaker, and this inspired him to devote his life to continuing Penn's humane policy towards aboriginal races. Indeed, it was mainly at Hodgkin's instigation, and as a result of deliberations at informal gatherings of Friends, that Thomas Fowell Buxton, the reformer, in 1835 obtained the appointment of a Select Committee of the House of Commons "to consider what measures ought to be adopted with regard to the native inhabitants of countries where British settlements are made, and to the neighbouring tribes, in order to secure to them the due observance of justice and the protection of their rights, to promote the spread of civilization among them, and to lead them to the peaceful and voluntary reception of the Christian religion."'2 This Select Committee, with which Dr.
13 citations
TL;DR: The National Congress of British West Africa (NCBWA) as discussed by the authors was the first nationalist movement in West Africa, which was formed by the educated elite of the area and was led almost exclusively by Africans.
Abstract: By the end of the second decade of the twentieth century a new nationalist movement had emerged in British West Africa which was significant of a new political awakening in that part of the world. This was the National Congress of British West Africa (NCBWA), which differed in important respects from earlier “nationalist” movements in the area. The NCBWA, unlike previous movements, envisaged a united British West Africa as a political objective to be attained, was organised on a scale that simultaneously embraced all four colonies of British West Africa, and was led almost exclusively by the educated elite of the area. A study of the background to the emergence of the NCBWA reveals not only that the germ of the movement was rooted in a fairly distant past but also that a variety of interesting forces of a fairly recent occurrence “conspired” to ensure its birth. The incipient nationalism which the movement embodied reflects a line in a chain of reactions to the British advent into and “colonization” of West Africa. British involvement in this area was chiefly the result of her need to safeguard her trading interests. In the establishment of her regime in West Africa, educated Africans were regarded as allies in the task by the colonial master. Consequently from the 1840's to the 1880's Africans rose to high positions in the colonial service. In Sierra Leone, for example, William Ferguson, Afro-West Indian by origin and a medical graduate of Edinburgh, was appointed its governor in 1844, while John Ezzidio, a Nupe ex-slave who had become a wealthy trader and a pillar of the Colony's Wesleyan Church, was appointed a member of the Sierra Leone Legislative Council in 1863 (McIntyre 1966, pp. 155-156; Fyfe 1962, pp. 229-232 et passim).
12 citations
TL;DR: In Nigeria, a few trade unions had been formed in Nigeria before 1938, but it was not until after the passage in that year of the Trades Union Ordinance by the Nigerian government that many trade unions were formed by Nigerian workers.
Abstract: Although a few trade unions had been formed in Nigeria before 1938, it was not until after the passage in that year of the Trades Union Ordinance by the Nigerian government that many trade unions were formed by Nigerian workers. Between 1940 and 1950, some 144 trade unions with a membership of over 144,000 were formed (Nigeria 1940-1950), and the prospects for further trade union growth were very bright. With the increase in the number of unions as time went on, the country was rocked by a number of industrial disputes (many of which were ill-advised), and a number of misappropriations of union funds by union officials also occurred. It was generally held that these problems could largely be overcame if the unions and their leaders were given adequate trade union education. In consequence, the government initiated a policy for giving trade unions and their leaders some basic training in trade union organisation and leadership. The execution of this policy was the responsibility of labour officers in the trade union section of the Department of Labour. They were people with wide experience in trade union organisation and leadership. Such officers as Mr. R. Curry and his assistant Mr. M.A. Tukunboh were men with profound knowledge of trade unionism. Mr. Curry was “for many years the London and Eastern Counties Organiser for the National Union of Tailors and Government Workers,” and Mr. Tokunboh was “a former secretary of the Nigerian Trade Union Congress” (Nigeria 1946, par. 46). The main function of these officers was to work with the trade union leaders and assist trade “unions in such matters as accountancy, administration and organisation; to encourage the formation of benefit sections and, above all, to encourage and educate trade union officials and members in (1) the objects and functions of conferences, (2) the duties and responsibilities of officers and executive committees, and (3) the proper function of local committees and members' meeting” (Nigeria 1946, par. 46). The Department of Labour seems to have attached special importance to the education of trade union leaders. This was so because the leaders were the men on the spot to carry on the trade union education work in the interest of the rank-and-file trade unionists.
6 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the evolutionary trend of the mode of thought and the body of principles underlying the activities of an organization is examined, and how far those policies are reflected in Nigerian industrial relations practice, and stimulate thought on the implications of the present trend of development.
Abstract: STATED BRIEFLY, the meaning of policy is &dquo;the mode of thought and the body of principles underlying the activities of an organization&dquo;,1 &dquo;a guide for making administrative decision&dquo;,2 &dquo;an established way of doing business and directing actions in specified areas of an organization or institution&dquo;.3 In this outline of labour policies, we examine the evolutionary trend of the mode of thought and the body of principles, the guidelines, underlying action in the field of industrial relations in Nigeria. But we confine this examination to the specific areas of recruitment and commitment of labour, training, advancement, labour compensation and. the procedural schemes for regulation of employment, or labour relations. The objective of this article is to examine how far those policies are reflected in Nigerian industrial relations practice, and to stimulate thought on the implications of the present trend of development.
3 citations
TL;DR: The role of the military in the acquisition of empire in this area will be assessed in this paper, where the authors review this rivalry as a study in military imperialism, and assess the role of French forces in this region.
Abstract: The Anglo-French agreement of August 10, 1889, which among other things defined the Lagos-Porto Novo boundary up to the ninth parallel of latitude, and that of August 5, 1890, which delimited the French and British spheres of influence north and south of the Say-Barruwa line, respectively, made no specific mention of how the area, north of Ashan and around Borgu was to he partitioned, with the result that this territory remained to be settled by means of “effective occupation.” Until the Anglo-French Convention of June 14, 1898, which settled the Niger disputes, the area around Borgu witnessed the protracted military confrontation which brought both nations to the brink of war. This paper seeks to review this rivalry as a study in military imperialism in which the role of the military in the acquisition of empire in this area will be assessed. Although the final settlement was the result of political considerations and diplomatic moves in Paris and London, a great deal depended on the military exertions of either party which sought to strengthen the hands of its negotiators at the conference table. In this connection the French showed great drive and initiative. The French colonial forces in West Africa during this period did not suffer from some of the disabilities of governmental control which hindered the freedom of action of their British counterpart. Consequently they were often able to take independent action, which at times ran counter to the directives they received from Paris, but which, as in the case of the Anglo-French rivalry in West Africa, had far-reaching consequences.
3 citations
TL;DR: The Obudu hornblende peridotite as discussed by the authors is an independent magmatic intrusion into the hypersthene tonalite with which it is associated, and not a member of a differentiated series.
Abstract: The Obudu hornblende peridotite is described and briefly compared with similar rock types from other areas. Field evidence, petrographic studies, mineralogical and chemical composition have led to the conclusion that this rock is an independent magmatic intrusion into the hypersthene tonalite (enderbite) with which it is associated, and not a member of a differentiated series.
1 citations
TL;DR: The conventional arguments often used to justify this preference for short-term loans are mainly two: First, that the bulk of commercial banks capital or stock-in-trade are demand deposits by the public generally repayable at short notice; hence it would be imprudent for the banks to commit these to medium or longterm loans as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: I n Nigeria commercial banking practices and conventions are similar to those in Britain: Loans by commercial banks are usually short-term and not medium or long-term for fixed capitals. The conventional arguments often used to justify this preference for short-term loans are mainly two: First, that the bulk of commercial banks capital or stock-in-trade are demand deposits by the public generally repayable at short notice; hence it would be imprudent for the banks to commit these to medium or long-term loans. And secondly, that commercial banks may not be in a position to assess the economic rationality of long-term investments to which they are required to commit their capital; long-term lending should be done by specialised agencies.