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Showing papers in "ACME: An International Journal for Critical Geographies in 2013"


Journal Article
TL;DR: The climate change bandwagon has decidedly gone off course in recent years as mentioned in this paper, and climate concerns are relegated again to the back-burner of policy agendas and retreated to the sphere of climate activism.
Abstract: The climate change bandwagon has decidedly gone off course in recent years. The onslaught of the deepest and most structural crisis of capitalism of the last 70 years that struck the cozy neoliberal consensus as a bombshell in the fall of 2008 and the subsequent hectic formation of a new commons of the bourgeoisie to assure that all political energies are mobilized to get the sputtering accumulation engine going again, irrespective of the social and environmental cost, has decidedly altered the elite’s political agenda. While environmental—and in particular climate change—concerns increasingly dominated the agenda in earlier years, the last few years saw a resurgence of an obsession with getting accumulation for accumulation sake going again. The eagerly awaited (at least by those concerned by the climatic predicament we are in) COP15 climate conference in 2009 in Copenhagen and its 2011 successor Durban meeting turned out to be utterly disappointing. The elites’ concerns turned yet again to where it normally is, i.e. making sure that the neoliberal order can survive somewhat longer. As the commons of the bourgeoisie rallied around making sure that collective political and financial efforts were directed to re-booting capitalist growth, climate concerns were relegated again to the backburner of policy agendas and retreated to the sphere of climate activism. This special issue testifies nonetheless to the continuing importance and relevance of climate politics, and attempts in a variety of ways to both take stock of the situation we are in and distil key political lessons to be learned. In this short opening commentary, I will briefly explore the contours of the strange non-political politics that have marked the terrain of climate change over the past few years and

173 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors look at how higher education in the UK has been transformed since the advent of neo-liberalism in the 1970s and argue that the changes in higher education have been the direct result of policy changes shaped by neo-Liberal thinking.
Abstract: This paper looks at how higher education (HE) in the UK has been transformed since the advent of neo-liberalism in the 1970s. It is based on my personal experiences over four decades, as well as the research literature, and argues that the changes in HE have been the direct result of policy changes shaped by neo-liberal thinking. After a brief outline of the recent history of HE, I look in detail at how the management systems have changed, both in individual institutions, and in the management of the HE system as a whole, through the application of the ‘new public management’ approach. Resistance to these changes has been problematic, given a wider economic culture increasingly centred on individual performance, not collective purposes. Although it might be possible to recreate an imagined ideal of collegiality and critical engagement, a truly alternative future for HE needs to begin from rethinking the education system as a whole, basing it around the promotion of substantive equality of wealth and power throughout society.

88 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors argue that the production of knowledge about queer lives still tends to conform to a dominant model in which a metro-centric and hierarchical spatial narrative functions as an implicit referential illusion.
Abstract: In this article, I ask how the theoretical lenses through which we conceptualise LGBQ lives compel a particular categorisation of queer geographies and experiences; namely, through (implicit) hierarchies between the “gay metropolis” and the many small cities and rural places outside of purportedly “welcoming” metropolitan centres. Drawing inspiration from Robinson’s (2006) ordinary cities thesis, I argue that our scholarly (and popular) points of reference structure the possibilities of understanding LGBQ lives and place-making outside of metropolitan centres recognised to be “gay friendly”. Consequently, the production of knowledge about queer lives still tends to conform to a dominant model in which a metro-centric and hierarchical spatial narrative functions as an implicit referential illusion. Employing oral history narratives from LGBQ women in one small Canadian city, I argue that urban/urban-rural hierarchies are at once embedded in the frameworks used to understand queer lives and practices, and constrain our ability to conceptualise the embodied and emplaced geographies of everyday queer lives in geographically-specific terms. Theorising ordinary sexual subjectivities requires attending to the mutual constitution of subjectivities, process and place in specific geographical contexts.

44 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors place climate change in relation to broader contestation of unequal social and environmental relations and specifically in relation with the crisis of neoliberalism, and locate the mobilizations during the COP15 round of climate negotiations in the context of political trajectories that have shaped antagonistic ways of constructing climate change politics.
Abstract: Climate change must be placed in relation to broader contestation of unequal social and environmental relations and specifically in relation to the crisis of neoliberalism. I contest those accounts of climate change which isolate carbon emissions from the unequal social and environmental relations upon which neoliberal globalization depends. I locate the mobilizations during the COP15 round of climate negotiations in relation to political trajectories that have shaped antagonistic ways of constructing climate change politics. These forms of contentious action challenge the dominant terms of climate change politics in a number of important ways, and at the same time the repressive policing of demonstrations and actions open up the space for protests and for productive debates around the environmental politics of climate change.

41 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: The authors argue that for some queer women/gender queers individuals, the Village is not viewed as a desirable location for social or political organizing given perceptions the area is dominated by largely white, middle class, gay men.
Abstract: Changing political, social and economic circumstances operating across a variety of scales are transforming the socio-spatial landscapes for Lesbian, Gay, Bi, Trans and Queer (LGBTQ) people in Toronto. While the established gay village continues to be the imagined and material centre of political and social life for the LGBTQ community, various groups are increasingly utilizing other locations in the downtown core but outside the Village, particularly an area know colloquially as ‘Queer West.’ This paper argues that for some queer women/gender queers individuals, the Village is not viewed as a desirable location for social or political organising given perceptions the area is dominated by largely white, middle class, gay men. Further, the possibilities, potentials and limitations for queer women/genderqueer individuals to take up alternative locations are constituted through complex social relations and include notions of what ‘queered’ and ‘queering’ space entails and participants’ own imagined sense of place and reflecting aspects of their own classed, racialized and gendered positioning

37 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors highlight the ways in which relations of power, specifically those of gender, shape knowledge production, resource distribution, decision-making and thus, adaptation to climate change.
Abstract: This paper highlights the ways in which relations of power, specifically those of gender, shape knowledge production, resource distribution, decision-making and thus, adaptation to climate change. I utilize feminist standpoint theory and geographic conceptualizations of social reproduction to argue that policies and programs that seek to enhance adaptation to climate change must understand how gender affects differential access to resources and decision-making in the context of climate variability. Specifically, I argue that situated knowledge and social reproduction are useful conceptual tools for analyzing how women’s daily activities and social locations shape what they know and how they respond to social and environmental stressors like drought. In making this argument, I present the results of fieldwork conducted in two rural communities in Mexico’s semi-arid highlands to empirically explore the significance of gender in the production of knowledge, provisioning of resources, and the different ways that households adapt to climate change. This kind of critical engagement between feminist and adaptive capacity approaches opens up a conceptual space for reflection and encounters that move the debates closer toward addressing the challenges that climate change presents.

32 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: This article analyzed the relationship between lesbian identities and the production of commodified "queer space" in the city's Village gai in the 1990s and found that although lesbians often felt marginalized in gay village space, this site was central to the production and expression of new forms of lesbian identity.
Abstract: Gay villages have been developing as a feature of Western cities since the 1980s. By the 1990s, their markets diversified and expanded and they were redefined as ‘queer’ sites. While the incorporation of lesbian nightlife into gay villages played a pivotal role in this diversification, their participation has received limited attention in the urban studies literature. This paper, therefore, uses a case study of Montreal to analyze the relationship between lesbian identities and the production of commodified ‘queer space’ in the city’s Village gai in the 1990s. In contrast with the literature that stresses their exclusions, I argue that this site was productive in terms of reworking lesbian identities. I begin by examining the development of the gay village as a location for lesbian nightlife in the 1990s. Next, I analyze the changing content of lesbian bar advertisements that came with this relocation. Finally, I use in-depth interviews with lesbians regarding their perceptions of the Village, its nightlife spaces and emerging Village lesbian identities. The paper finds that although lesbians often felt marginalized in gay village space, this site was central to the production and expression of new forms of lesbian identity in the 1990s.

30 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors trace the genealogies of racialisation in Toronto's AIDS sector since its emergence and evolution in the 1980s and 1990s and highlight the exclusionary and sometimes deathly (if unintended) effects of liberal colour-blindness in the AIDS sector.
Abstract: In this paper, I trace the genealogies of racialisation in Toronto’s AIDS sector since its emergence and evolution in the 1980s and 1990s. I pay particular attention to the ways that colour-blind approaches to AIDS in the early AIDS sector served to privilege white gay men not only in the realm of social and health service provision, but also in terms of political decision-making and priority-setting in the local AIDS movement. Drawing and building on Mary Louise Pratt’s notions of the ‘contact zone’, I highlight the exclusionary and sometimes deathly (if unintended) effects of liberal colour-blindness in the AIDS sector. In response to these exclusions, ethno-specific AIDS service organizations (e-ASOs) emerged to provide spaces for people of colour, by people of colour. I argue, drawing once again on Mary Louise Pratt, that the place-making practices of e-ASOs not only serve to differentiate e-ASOs from the mainstream, but also produce alternative ethno-specific discourses and approaches that make e-ASO spaces into ‘safe houses’ within which racialised population can find mutual support and culturally specific sexual health services.

28 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: The Really Open University (ROU) as mentioned in this paper is a group of students who seek to move beyond a narrow, reactive politics of "anti-cuts" by challenging the forms and futures of education.
Abstract: Much has been made of the recent upsurge in activism around higher education and universities over the past two years or so in the UK and globally. Reflecting on our involvement with a group called the Really Open University (ROU) in Leeds, in this article we seek to broaden the discussion of the ‘student movement’ to consider some of the tensions that exist between mainstream analyses of the student movement and those analyses which acknowledge the problems with trying merely to defend the university in its current form. We outline some of the emerging links between groups which seek to move beyond a narrow, reactive politics of ‘anti-cuts’ by challenging the forms and futures of education. The tensions of trying to be at once ‘in-against-and-beyond’ the institutions we are involved with are considered, and it is our conclusion that within the ROU’s ‘Strike/Occupy/Transform’ motif it is the notion of transformation, accompanied by the necessary resistance, which offers the most hope for the future of education.

21 citations


Journal Article
Kelvin Mason1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze the discussions between academics planning direct action collectively and potentially with the network Climate Justice Action during the UN COP15 climate change summit in Copenhagen in December 2009, and conclude that scholar activists should make a long-term commitment to act collectively, develop their own militant particularisms, and bring these to the convergence spaces of global justice networks.
Abstract: This paper considers the place of academics in social movements, not as (predominantly) researchers or individuals but as activists acting collectively (Autonomous Geographies Collective, 2010). The notions of militant particularism and convergence space (Routledge, 2003; Cumbers et al. 2008) are deployed in relation to global justice networks, to analyze the discussions between academics planning direct action collectively and potentially with the network Climate Justice Action during the UN COP15 climate change summit in Copenhagen in December 2009. A notable tension in these debates centered on ‘radical’ versus ‘reformist’ action and how either might contribute to transformative social change. The discussions ultimately led to the action of an academic seminar blockade, analyzed as a form of constructive resistance based on mutable particularisms flowing between shifting scales of convergence space. The paper concludes with the proposal that scholar activists should make a long-term commitment to act collectively, develop our own militant particularisms, and bring these to the convergence spaces of global justice networks.

20 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that climate change is not, in a fundamental sense, possible to understand from a natural science perspective, but demands an analysis of political power relations and our existing global political economy, capitalism.
Abstract: This article discusses climate change from a critical social science perspective. Firstly, it is argued that climate change is not, in a fundamental sense, possible to understand from a natural science perspective, but demands an analysis of political power relations and our existing global political economy, capitalism. Therefore, climate change involves questions of global justice. Secondly, it is argued that the contemporary world economy, not only forcefully restructures climate, but also our societies, creating turbulent social strains, and therefore also an emerging global political reaction, one that is potentially giving hope for a solution, transnational justice and climate movements. However, thirdly, it is argued that these movements are not enough since they are still too ineffective to really challenge the basic injustices of global capitalism or its climate change effects. Social change is urgent, while solutions, strategies and mobilizations still seem too weak. Therefore, fourthly and lastly, we need a new kind of climate change panel, one that combines the theoretical-analytical skills of critical social scientists and the practical knowledge and organizational skills of movement intellectuals. A “Social Science Panel on Climate Change” is suggested in order to develop effective and realistic options and strategies.

Journal Article
TL;DR: This article examined the contradictory effects of the politics of aspiration on different groups of students and traces how this shaped the rhetoric of the protestors, concluding that the need for radical activists to (re)configure new forms of social hope as an alternative to aspiration, and as an integral part of exploring alternatives to a market-driven education system.
Abstract: This paper considers the English student protests of late 2010 in the context of the politics of aspiration. Aspiration is a particular form of neoliberal social hope based around promoting individualised social mobility. It has been central to British education policy since 1997, especially those policies designed to widen and increase participation in higher education. I argue that the student protests reveal both the success of these policy interventions around young people’s aspirations and the limits of the politics of aspiration. This paper examines the contradictory effects of the politics of aspiration on different groups of students and traces how this shaped the rhetoric of the protestors. The intervention concludes by considering the need for radical activists to (re)configure new forms of social hope as an alternative to aspiration, and as an integral part of exploring alternatives to a market-driven education system.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate the role of aggregate mining and manufacturing in climate change in the aggregate industry and reveal the interconnections between a carboniferous and calciferous capitalism, and the implications of the unique physical characteristics of aggregate resources for corporate strategies and local and trans-communal resistance.
Abstract: Conventional climate change discourse promotes green technological innovation, market-based regulation and behavioral adaptation as the answers to the global climate dilemma. Climate justice advocates have criticized this discourse in favor of a focus on the disproportionate impacts of capitalist carbon-producing activities. Both the conventional and climate justice positions, however, tend to overlook the very pillars of the carbon economy that make system change impossible. This paper interrogates one such pillar, the aggregate industry. Using some of the insights of political economy and actor network theory, we convey the interconnections between a carboniferous and calciferous capitalism, and the implications of the unique physical characteristics of aggregate resources for corporate strategies and local and trans-communal resistance. Case studies on aggregate mining and manufacturing in parts of India, southern Ontario, Canada, and northern Scotland, all connected to the Swiss-based multinational Holcim, illuminate the industry’s social, political and environmental impact and reach, its connections to climate change, and its place as a point of current and potential wider contestation in global capitalism.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an analysis of migration narratives among 24 self-identified gay men living in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada, and frame coming-out migrations as emerging from the complex interplay of individuals' needs and desires and the networks and institutions they occupy in places (i.e., the social dynamics of places) and not just a flat mismatch between one's sexuality and a place's containerized attributes or characteristics.
Abstract: This article contributes to the growing body of literature linking migration to coming out among gay, lesbian, and other queer individuals. Much of the extant literature frames or imagines these migrations as journeys between sets of oppositional spaces. The common metaphorical trope of moving from inside to outside of “the closet” is frequently equated with moving from a conservative country to a more liberal one or from the homophobic countryside to an accepting metropolis. This discourse abstracts the role of place in coming-out migrations and flattens the complexity of the challenges and concerns that drive them. This analysis of migration narratives among 24 self-identified gay men living in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada, frames coming-out migrations as emerging from the complex interplay of individuals’ needs and desires and the networks and institutions they occupy in places (i.e., the social dynamics of places) and not just a flat “mismatch” between one’s sexuality and a place’s containerized attributes or characteristics. The discussion elaborates on motivators for coming-out migration influenced by the social dynamics of the places that respondents were both situated in and seeking out. These include moving to advance gay life courses perceived to be stunted, moving to seek anonymity during the coming-out process, and moving to lessen the imagined social and familial burdens associated with coming out.

Journal Article
TL;DR: This article brought together articles and commentaries highlighting Canadian scholarship on the geographies of sexualities, highlighting Canada's status as a global leader in progressive lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and queer politics.
Abstract: This special issue brings together articles and commentaries highlighting Canadian scholarship on the geographies of sexualities. Canada is often represented as a global leader in progressive lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and queer politics (LGBTQ), being one of a handful of nation-states to grant full marriage rights to same sex couples (in 2005), human rights protections (although not expressly for trans individuals) and various legal protections for sexual minorities. Canada often tacitly accepts and even plays up its reputation as a good place for LGBTQ people. Major Canadian cities, working within neoliberal ideologies around the creative economy and entrepreneurial city (e.g. Florida 2000), point to LGBTQ legislative and political gains as indicators of Canadian tolerance and diversity, marketing our cities as major destinations for the highly mobile and moneyed cosmopolitan (e.g. Walks 2001; Catungal and Leslie 2009; Kipfer and Keil 2002; Keil 2009). Beyond Canadian urban centres, there is also the suggestion that sexual minorities are

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, a critical analysis of the public debate on street gangs in Quebec, which is currently structured by preventive actions geared towards “at-risk” youth, is presented.
Abstract: A travers une etude critique du debat quebecois sur les gangs de rue, actuellement structure par un cadre d’intervention axe sur la categorisation des jeunes « a risque » d’etre recrutes par les gangs, cet article explore le rapport des jeunes (lies ou non aux gangs) a l’Etat. Dans un premier temps, le texte se penche sur la construction sociale de la menace attribuee aux gangs de rue afin de mettre au jour les logiques d’action qui sous-tendent les activites des gangs de rue comme celles des programmes de prevention. Par la comparaison de ces logiques d’action que nous qualifions d’urbaine pour les jeunes et les gangs de rue et d’actuarielle pour les programmes de prevention, le texte suggere que les programmes de prevention en place ont un triple effet : stigmatisation, depolitisation et moralisation. L’analyse de ces effets conduit, dans un troisieme temps, a des reflexions plus theoriques sur la notion de citoyennete (urbaine) et sa pertinence pour comprendre le rapport que les jeunes qui evoluent dans des milieux illicites ont avec l’Etat. En conclusion, le texte considere la notion d’informalite et pose une question qui demeure ouverte : est-ce que la notion de citoyennete peut s’accommoder du mode informel de rapport a l’Etat que l’on retrouve chez ces jeunes et bien d’autres citadins ? Based on a critical analysis of the public debate on street gangs in Quebec, which is currently structured by preventive actions geared towards “at-risk” youth, this paper explores the relationship that youth construct with the State. Firstly, the article analyses the social construction of the threat attributed to street gangs in order to reveal the underlying logics of gang activities as much as of preventive programs. By comparing these two logics of action which are called “urban” for youth and street gangs and “actuarial” for preventive programs, the paper suggests that preventive measures in Montreal have a threefold effect: stigmatisation, depoliticisation, and moralisation. The analysis of these effects leads in the third part of the paper to theoretical reflections on the notion of (urban) citizenship and its relevance for understanding the relationship that youth using illicit vectors construct with the State. The paper concludes with an exploration of the notion of informality and asks an open question: Can the notion of citizenship accommodate the informal mode of relation that youth and many other urban dwellers develop with the State?

Journal Article
TL;DR: The Wapikoni mobile as discussed by the authors is an indigenous video training project that addresses the First Nations communities of Quebec, which has reached 2000 participants, produced 500 videos and won over fifty prizes.
Abstract: Le Wapikoni mobile est un projet de formation qui visite les communautes des Premieres Nations du Quebec afin de proposer des ateliers de creation audiovisuelle aux 15-30 ans. Depuis 2004, il denombre plus de 2000 participants, 500 courts-metrages et une cinquantaine de prix remportes. Les videos realisees sont projetees dans differents evenements au Quebec et a l’etranger, ou des participants sont parfois invites a prendre la parole. Cet article discute des possibilites et des limites des espaces de dialogue que ces jeunes frequentent. La recherche dont il rend compte questionne la prise de parole des participants du Wapikoni mobile en relation avec le concept de citoyennete. Son objectif principal est de comprendre si leur frequentation de nouveaux lieux de prise de parole a differentes echelles transforme leur citoyennete. Les participants du Wapikoni mobile s’inserent dans un processus tisse de contradictions, mais provoquent des transformations, tant de leur propre citoyennete, que des espaces qu’ils partagent avec les non-Autochtones. Ils redessinent des territoires de citoyennete. The Wapikoni mobile is an indigenous video training project that addresses the First Nations communities of Quebec. Through this project, which offers workshops to people between the ages of 15 and 30, certain young people are taught to produce and direct films. In addition, some are invited to show their creations in public events and venues in Quebec and abroad. Since 2004, the Wapikoni mobile has reached 2000 participants, produced 500 videos and has won over fifty prizes. Through the concept of citizenship, this article seeks to examine the spaces of dialogue opened for and by indigenous youth of Quebec through the Wapikoni mobile. Based on non-participant observation and in-depth interviews with Wapikoni mobile participants, the paper seeks to understand how the process of giving voice – in multiple venues and at multiple scales – may alter their experience of citizenship. While the process they participate in is full of contradictions, these indigenous youth are redrawing the territories of citizenship in contemporary Quebec and beyond.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, a series of interviews conducted with Mexican asylum seekers and refugees in Montreal, Canada, was conducted to explore critically the causes of this phenomenon and how this act should be contextualized and understood within the rapidly evolving context of the North American geopolitical space.
Abstract: En juillet 2009 le gouvernement canadien a soudainement impose un visa a tous les Mexicains desirant voyager au Canada. Il visait ainsi a endiguer une augmentation sans precedent des demandes d’asile de la part de ressortissants mexicains. A partir d’une serie d’entrevues menees aupres de demandeurs d’asile et de refugies mexicains a Montreal, cet article cherche a explorer de facon critique les causes de ce phenomene. Nous portons un interet particulier aux facons dont le processus de demande d’asile chez les Mexicains constitue un « acte de citoyennete » (suivant Isin, 2008) et a la necessite d’apprehender cet acte dans le contexte geopolitique nord-americain, lequel est en pleine evolution. En effet, comme leurs histoires le demontrent, les demandeurs d’asile mexicains remettent activement en question les discours politiques et economiques dominants se rapportant a l’Amerique du Nord contemporaine. Leurs recits suggerent que la mobilite mexicaine n’est pas motivee exclusivement par des raisons economiques, mais qu’elle revet egalement un visage eminemment politique. Par ailleurs, les histoires des interviewes demontrent que la violence economique, politique et sociale est imbriquee dans l’edification de la gouvernance nord-americaine actuelle. Enfin, ces temoignages mettent en lumiere des inegalites profondes quant a l’acces a la mobilite en Amerique du Nord. En bref, les demandeurs d’asile et refugies mexicains forcent la prise en compte, dans l’arene transnationale, d’enjeux qui destabilisent les idees recues sur le Mexique et les Mexicains et, en consequence, tentent de redefinir les limites de la justice transnationale contemporaine. In July 2009 the Canadian government abruptly imposed visa requirements on all Mexicans traveling into Canada. This action sought to curtail the unprecedented rise in the number of Mexican asylum seekers reaching Canadian soil. Based on a series of interviews conducted with Mexican asylum seekers and refugees in Montreal, Canada, this paper seeks to explore critically the causes of this phenomenon. In particular, we are interested in analyzing the ways in which Mexican asylum-seeking constitutes an “act” of citizenship (following Isin, 2008), and how this act should be contextualized and understood within the rapidly evolving context of the North American geopolitical space. Indeed, as their stories demonstrate, Mexican asylum seekers actively question and rework dominant political and economic discourses associated with contemporary North America. Their stories suggest that Mexican mobility is not simply driven by economics but is also deeply political in nature. Second, their stories demonstrate that political, economic and social violences are embedded within the contemporary transnational edifice of North American governance. Finally, their stories highlight the deep inequalities in access to mobility within North America. In sum, Mexican asylumseekers force into a transnational arena issues that destabilize received notions about Mexico and Mexicans, and in so doing attempt to rework the limits of contemporary transnational justice.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the experiences of the English-language minority of Gatineau, Quebec's 4th largest city, located in the National Capital Region of Canada.
Abstract: Cet article explore la citoyennete et l’identite a travers l’experience de la minorite anglophone de Gatineau, 4e ville du Quebec, localisee dans la region de la Capitale nationale du Canada. La geographie de ses pratiques quotidiennes, ses espaces d’appartenance et lieux d’engagement en font en effet un cas fort interessant dans le contexte de travaux preoccupes par la flexibilite des nouvelles formes de citoyennete. La situation de cette population minoritaire est unique car bien que residant au Quebec elle est proche geographiquement et culturellement d’Ottawa, la capitale du Canada, qui elle est majoritairement anglophone. Nous analysons les manieres particulieres « d’habiter » l’espace de la minorite anglophone de Gatineau et ses pretentions citoyennes en prenant appui sur une reflexion sur les effets de la frontiere sur son espace de vie quotidienne, a cheval entre Gatineau et Ottawa. Son experience transfrontaliere particuliere fait apparaitre une forme assez inedite de citoyennete que nous nommons « affinitaire ». Fermee d’un point de vue ethnique car attachee a la collectivite anglophone, elle est neanmoins flexible geographiquement en sollicitant differentes echelles spatiales : entre le quartier et la communaute qui l’anime, et l’espace plus large de l’agglomeration, de part et d’autre de la frontiere. In this article, we explore citizenship and identity through the experiences of the English-language minority of Gatineau, Quebec’s 4th largest city, located in the National Capital Region of Canada. The geography of the group’s everyday practices, its spaces of belonging and places of involvement make this an interesting case study in light of ongoing debates regarding the flexible nature of contemporary citizenship. The position of this minority population is unique because while residing in Quebec, it is in proximity geographically and culturally to Ottawa, the capital of Canada, where an English-speaking majority resides. We analyze the particular ways of “living” in space among the Anglophone minority of Gatineau and its claims to citizenship by reflecting on the effects of the border on its daily space between Gatineau and Ottawa. Its unique transborder experience reveals an unusual form of citizenship which we call “affinity” citizenship. It is ethnically exclusive in that its affinity is limited to the Anglophone collectivity; nevertheless, it is geographically flexible insofar as it encompasses different spatial scales: between the neighborhood and its local community, and the broader space of the city lying on both side of the border.


Journal Article
TL;DR: The University of Exeter was home to a student led occupation in November and December 2010 as mentioned in this paper, which was a protest against education and public sector cuts and the rise in student tuition fees, and became a site for a progressive re-presentation of the university, with the temporary space of the Exeter Free University, a publically accessible pedagogical space within the heart of the neoliberal university.
Abstract: The University of Exeter was home to a student led occupation in November and December 2010. The occupation was a protest against education and public sector cuts and the rise in student tuition fees. It also became a site for a progressive re-presentation of the university, with the temporary space of the Exeter Free University, a publically accessible pedagogical space within the heart of the neoliberal university. This intervention emerged from a collaborative writing workshop within the Exeter Free University. Here, the storying (or, perhaps, storifying) of the Exeter Occupation is re-presented through the writing of the occupation, created at the time, in and through the emerging spaces of protest, radical pedagogy, and collective creativity. We mediate the unfolding dialogues but allow the material to speak for itself, to unfold and tell the story.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that any state theory has to take into account the fundamental changes of the logic of power that was brought about by the advent of capitalism and that the power of states has been detached from national territories through the mobility of capital.
Abstract: The article argues that any state theory has to take into consideration the fundamental changes of the logic of power that was brought about by the advent of capitalism. While a territorial logic of power was a central characteristic of European states before capitalism, the power of states has been detached from national territories through the mobility of capital. Technological developments have not only enhanced this mobility but also possibilities of production that are no longer determined by physical nature of a certain kind. The present international order of sovereign nation states was inherited from the pre-capitalist epoch. But the plurality of nation states has not only been reproduced in the processes of decolonization but has become a functional element of globalized capitalism.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, a special issue on Canadian geographies of sexuality was developed to bring together both established and new scholars to highlight the depth and breadth of scholarship undertaken in the Canadian context and illustrate the contradictory tensions and conflicts still experienced by LGBT and queer people within Canada's progressive social, legislative and public policy framework.
Abstract: In developing together this special issue on Canadian geographies of sexuality, we hoped to bring together both established and new scholars to highlight the depth and breadth of scholarship undertaken in the Canadian context. We wish to illustrate the contradictory tensions and conflicts still experienced by LGBT and queer people within Canada’s progressive social, legislative and public policy framework. To provide greater context for these articles and commentaries,

Journal Article
TL;DR: In 2012, the student strike reached deeply into the heart of the political fabric of Quebec and raised issues including the future of social and economic rights in the province; legitimate modes of democratic governance (social mobilization and popular protest vs ballot boxes); and the appropriate use of law and order to contain popular protest as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Quebec, like other contemporary societies, is undergoing a series of profound economic, social, political, and cultural transitions Accordingly, this special issue proposes to offer an analytical portrait of a certain number of these transitions and articulations through a series of papers that examines emergent forms of citizenship in Quebec The special issue arrives, nonetheless, at a very particular time In 2012 one of the most important social mobilizations in Quebec history has captivated, structured and transformed the political futures of the province We are referring, of course, to the student strike that erupted in February of 2012 (see Dufour 2012; Oswin 2012) While on the surface the central issue of the conflict was a proposed increase in tuition, the strike reached deeply into the heart of the political fabric of Quebec The issues the strike raised include the future of social and economic rights in the province; legitimate modes of democratic governance (social mobilization and popular protest vs ballot boxes); and the “appropriate” use of law and order to contain popular protest In May, the government imposed a highly punitive “special law” to literally break the student movement and then

Journal Article
Bertil Egerö1
TL;DR: In the run-up to the 2009 UN Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen, a scientific debate developed that mirrored the earlier neo-Malthusian arguments, where many participants saw family planning among poor communities as a cost-effective method of reducing carbon emission.
Abstract: Throughout the 20th century, population-development studies have had serious difficulties staying clear of cultural and political influences on Western intellectual thought. Since the 1950s, a “neo-Malthusian” orientation has supported the argument that a technical fix called family planning could initiate and speed fertility decline under pre-industrial conditions. A Western-financed “population control” movement carried the message to poor countries around the world, ostensibly in support of poverty reduction while primarily motivated by the perceived threat to Western interests of rapid population increase in its ex-colonies. The “population card” surfaced in the run-up to the 2009 UN Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen. Kicked off by two contrasting contributions on the relation of population dynamics to environmental deterioration published only a few months before the conference, a scientific debate developed that mirrored the earlier neo-Malthusian arguments, where many participants saw family planning among poor communities as a cost-effective method of reducing carbon emission. This paper traces the roots of the debate, discusses the fallacies of such arguments and concludes that we need a social science of demographic dynamics and development free from any links to the eugenic movement of the early 20th century and its neo-Malthusian successor. Further, for demography to make a more useful contribution to environment/development studies, its examination of the dynamics of human numbers needs to be extended to measurements of differential impacts associated with humans and their way of leading their lives.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, a mass student movement emerged in the UK in a series of spectacular demonstrations and a wave of occupations in response to the trebling of university tuition fees and the education cuts of the Tory-LibDem coalition.
Abstract: In late 2010 a mass student movement emerged in the UK in a series of spectacular demonstrations and a wave of occupations in response to the trebling of university tuition fees and the education cuts of the Tory-LibDem coalition. There followed a debate about its organisational forms in which "organising without organisations", Internet organising and a leaderless movement of autonomous groups became prominent themes. This intervention uses examples from the movement to argue that this model cannot deal with a number of issues necessary if it is to be sustainable and effective in bringing about radical political change: forms of democracy and accountability; the determination and implementation of a political strategy; and the formation of political organisations that can attract long term commitment and go beyond individualised responses. This suggests limitations to this model as an organisational strategy for the movement.


Journal Article
TL;DR: It is one of the distinctive features of critical theory that it does not directly, and in an unmediated way, lash out at an object of capitalist society and speak of it with an objectivising approach as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: It is one of the distinctive features of critical theory that it does not directly, and in an unmediated way, lash out at an object of capitalist society and speak of it with an objectivising approach. Critical theory understands itself as a critical and constitutive theory of knowledge. For this reason it calls into question not only the naturalness of social phenomena and is at pains to understand their historical, and? produced character, but it also interrogates the validity of the insight and of the epistemological attitude towards the objects the speaker speaks about. This also applies to the relationship of critical theory to itself. To enter the terrain of critical theory accordingly means to adopt a certain stance of self-critical reflection concerning the discursive position of critical theory and of the critical intellectual. What relationship does critical theory have to its object? Is it adequate to this object? In what relation does the knowing subject stand in relation? to this theory and its object?

Journal Article
TL;DR: The following two papers were delivered as the keynote lectures at the 6 International Conference of Critical Geography that was held August 16-20, 2011, in Frankfurt am Main, Germany as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The following two papers were delivered as the keynote lectures at the 6 International Conference of Critical Geography that was held August 16-20, 2011, in Frankfurt am Main, Germany. As one of the speakers of the local organizing committee, I want to use this brief introduction to the papers to highlight some aspects of the conference. First, to explain the reason why we chose these particular keynote lectures, and second, to introduce the authors to an international audience.

Journal Article
TL;DR: The United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP 15) took place in Copenhagen from 7 to 18 December 2009, at a critical time for planet Earth both physically and politically as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP 15) took place in Copenhagen from 7 to 18 December 2009, at a critical time for planet Earth both physically and politically. Physically, the crisis was well defined, with the climate science of the Intergovernmental Panel for Climate Change (IPCC) indicating that the world must cut greenhouse gas emissions by 80% of 1990 levels by 2050 to limit global warming to 2°C, the widely adopted figure estimated to be ‘manageable’ environmentally. Politically, the challenge was for the environment ministers of 192 countries to negotiate a successor to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, in force since 2005 but undermined by US failure to ratify. The issues for diplomatic negotiation at COP15 were (limited to) how much industrialized nations were prepared to reduce emissions by, how much emerging economies, particularly