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Showing papers in "Acta Politica in 2006"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Couto's recent books focus on community leadership, To Give Their Gifts; democratic theory and practice, Making Democracy Work Better; and higher education, Courses in Courage.
Abstract: This month, ILA member Richard Couto continues in his role as a special guest interviewer for this feature. Richard Couto helped found the Antioch Ph.D. program in Leadership and Change as well as the Jepson School of Leadership Studies at the University of Richmond, Virginia. His recent books focus on community leadership, To Give Their Gifts; democratic theory and practice, Making Democracy Work Better; and higher education, Courses in Courage.

415 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors investigated the relationship between media and political knowledge and participation and found that exposure to news outlets with high levels of political content contributes the most to knowledge gains and increases the propensity to turn out to vote.
Abstract: This cross-national study investigates the relationship between media and political knowledge and participation. Drawing on panel surveys and news media content analyses the study links exposure and attention to specific media contents to changes in political knowledge and participation. While the literature on this issue is divided, this study shows that the positive effects of news media exposure outweigh the negative effects and that the effects are conditional upon actual content. Exposure to news outlets with high levels of political content (such as public television news and broadsheet newspapers) contributes the most to knowledge gains and increases the propensity to turn out to vote. Exposure to news outlets with less political content has either no effects or slightly positive effects, depending on the type of content. In other words, the effects of news media use on knowledge and participation are rather ‘virtuous’ than ‘vicious’. The results are discussed in the light of research on media effects and political participation.

292 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Cornforth et al. as mentioned in this paper presented the Governance of Public and Non-Profit Organisations: What do Boards do? London:Routledge, 2003 0 415 25818
Abstract: Bespreking van: C. Cornforth,The Governance of Public and Non-Profit Organisations: What do Boards do? London:Routledge ,2003 0 415 25818

123 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Pippa Norris1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigated the impact of electoral systems on gender representation in the Netherlands and concluded that substantially more women are usually elected in systems using party list proportional representation, especially those such as the Netherlands which have a large district magnitude, compared with majoritarian electoral systems using single member districts.
Abstract: One concern about reform of the electoral system in the Netherlands is whether this would reduce the proportion of women members in the House of Representatives. What evidence is there for this expectation? This study considers these issues, with the first section summarizing the normative arguments why socially inclusive legislatures are thought to be desirable. The representation of women in the Netherlands parliament is compared against the record in other countries worldwide. The second section analyzes the impact of electoral systems on gender representation, confirming that substantially more women are usually elected in systems using party list proportional representation, especially those such as the Netherlands which have a large district magnitude, compared with majoritarian electoral systems using single member districts. Any reform that moves away from nationwide PR in the Netherlands will therefore probably reduce the proportion of women in parliament unless other compensatory actions are taken. Subsequent sections examine alternative strategies that could be adopted, including statutory quotas regulating the candidate selection process for all parties (for example, as used in Belgium), the role of reserved seats in legislatures, and the use of voluntary quotas in candidate selection rules implemented by particular parties. The conclusion summarizes the main findings and arguments surrounding electoral reform in the Netherlands.

121 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors re-examine these questions using survey data from the 1998 to 2002 panel of the Dutch Parliamentary Election Study and link respondents' 2002 vote choice to their issue priorities and cynical attitudes as measured in the 1998 wave of the panel.
Abstract: Scholarly accounts of the dramatic breakthrough of the List Pim Fortuyn (LPF) in the 2002 Dutch parliamentary election have emphasized two structural factors behind the success of that party. It has first been argued that the LPF brought a distinct issue profile to the electoral arena, which made it attractive for voters with similar policy views. The second hypothesis, that feelings of discontent with politics also fuelled support for the LPF, remains contested because of the possible endogeneity bias of cynicism attitudes. We re-examine these questions using survey data from the 1998 to 2002 panel of the Dutch Parliamentary Election Study. Our approach’s novelty is to link respondents’ 2002 vote choice to their issue priorities and cynical attitudes as measured in the 1998 wave of the panel. The findings suggest that policy preferences and, to a lesser extent, attitudes of political discontent both contributed to the LPF vote, thus providing support for both interpretations of the rise of this party. These results are consistent with most existing works on non-established party voting which show that new salient political issues and a lack of confidence towards government and politics are fertile ground for these party movements.

120 citations


Journal ArticleDOI

119 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors showed that the pattern observed in established democracies is not robust and that until we have developed a more compelling explanation for how and why PR fosters turnout, a sceptical position is justified.
Abstract: Research dealing with contemporary western democracies has consistently shown that turnout is substantially higher under PR, under larger district magnitude, and under more proportional systems in general. That research has failed to explain, however, that how and why PR fosters turnout. Furthermore, the same pattern fails to be replicated in Latin America. Finally, studies that include a wide set of democracies find turnout to be higher under more proportional systems, but the reported impact is quite small. We conclude that the pattern observed in established democracies is not robust and that until we have developed a more compelling explanation for how and why PR fosters turnout, a sceptical position is justified.

104 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the main dimensions for analyzing candidate selection methods, focusing on inclusiveness and decentralization, delineates their variation across representative democracies, and describes their determinants.
Abstract: Electoral systems at the national level and candidate selection methods at the party level are connected, maybe not causally but they do influence each other. More precisely, the electoral system constrains and conditions the parties' menu of choices concerning candidate selection. Moreover, in light of this relationship, when a country reforms its electoral system, there will be consequences for the parties' candidate selection methods. This article outlines the possible connection between electoral systems and candidate selection. It elaborates the main dimensions for analyzing candidate selection methods, focusing on inclusiveness and decentralization, delineates their variation across representative democracies and describes their determinants. The current situation regarding candidate selection within the Dutch political parties receives special attention, as do the possible ramifications on Dutch politics in light of shifts in candidate selection that might come about as a result of alternative electoral reforms. The Netherlands is currently debating several possible electoral reforms. Other than maintaining its present electoral system, the three possible reforms all include increasing aspects of more candidate-centered electoral systems. If any of these three is adopted, the resulting shifts in candidate selection will impact party unity on a scale from moderate to significant.

56 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Spruyt as mentioned in this paper, Ending Empire : Contested Sovereignty and Territorial Partition. London : Cornell University Press, 2005. ISBN 0.0801489725...
Abstract: Bespreking van: H. Spruyt, Ending Empire : Contested Sovereignty and Territorial Partition. London : Cornell University Press, 2005. ISBN 0801489725

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the late 1960s, the lines of loyalty between parties and voters started to unravel, and the tension in government coalitions between cooperation and conflict between parties became a major cause of government termination as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: ElectoralchangeshavelefttheirmarkinthecoalitionpoliticsofBelgiumandthe Netherlands. In the late 1960s, the lines of loyalty between parties andvoters started to unravel, and the tension in government coalitions betweencooperationandconflictbecamemoremanifest(Andeweg,1988;Deschouwer,1994). Electoral competition fed mistrust, and conflicts between coalitionpartiesbecameafrequentcauseofgovernmenttermination(Mu¨llerandStrom,2000,586).Theneedforaworkablemodusvivendiforpartiesinofficetogetherled to a practice of negotiating coalition agreements during governmentformation. These agreements, written by party prominents under a veil ofsecrecy, became comprehensive documents containing substantive andprocedural deals over a broad range of issues, most importantly issues thatwerecontroversial(Mu¨llerandStrom,2000;Timmermans,2003).Asinothercountries with multiparty governments, coalition agreements were meant tohelpcontaincontroversy(Klingemannetal.,1994;Keman,2002;Timmermans,2003).Despiteongoingelectoralchangesandincreasingvolatility,thelongevityofgovernments in Belgium and the Netherlands has increased, particularlyin the last 15 years. In both countries, governments reached the end oftheir legal term in office more often than before.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The 1993 Italian electoral reform was precipitated by a referendum that gave its sponsors no freedom to specify their preferred system, and the mixed systems ultimately chosen were enacted under great time pressure.
Abstract: The 1993 Italian electoral reform was precipitated by a referendum that gave its sponsors no freedom to specify their preferred system, and the mixed systems ultimately chosen were enacted under great time pressure. As a result, expectations and objectives were never clearly specified, and indeed often were mutually incompatible. The major goal of creating bipolarity and alternation in office was achieved, but the achievement of other goals — including closer ties between representatives and local constituencies, a simplified party system, and ‘cleaner’ politics – is more questionable, as is the fate of the entire reform effort after the replacement of the mixed system with pure PR before the election of 2006.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors make a distinction between policy representation and specific interest representation, and find that variations in the electoral system will have an effect on specific interest representations but not on policy representation.
Abstract: To what extent would a change of the Dutch electoral system, strengthening the bond between individual Members of Parliament (MPs) and specific constituencies, improve the quality of political representation, and increase the legitimacy of the political system in the process? In order to answer this question, we make a distinction between policy representation and specific interest representation. We expect that variations in the electoral system will have an effect on specific interest representation but not on policy representation. Findings from international comparative research suggest that this is the case indeed, but only for territorially defined interests, not for functionally defined interests. Close contact between MPs and their constituents might increase people's trust in politicians. However, this does not necessarily mean that it also leads to an increase of the legitimacy of parliament and the parliamentary system.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The debate in New Zealand over whether to adopt a mixed-member proportional (MMP) system was based on a number of predictions about the effects of electoral systems as mentioned in this paper, and after four elections under MMP, they are now in a better position to evaluate the validity of these claims.
Abstract: The debate in New Zealand over whether to adopt a mixed-member proportional (MMP) system was based on a number of predictions about the effects of electoral systems. After four elections under MMP we are now in a better position to evaluate the validity of these claims. We find that both proponents and opponents made claims that proved to be true but there were also unforeseen consequences that neither side predicted.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the relationship between the EU accession process up to 2004 and democratic consolidation in Central & Eastern Europe is explored applying theoretical and comparative lessons from the democratization literature.
Abstract: The broad theme is the relationship between the EU accession process up to 2004 and democratic consolidation in Central & Eastern Europe. The particular focus is on the EU's political conditions for candidate countries and their systemic impacts on the new democracies of CEE. This theme is explored applying theoretical and comparative lessons from the democratization literature. The EU's political impacts are examined by identifying cross-national trends of progress towards democratic consolidation, noting the scope for and limitations of the EU's political conditionality and looking at national government responses as well as the role of other domestic actors in accession states. In the end, conditionality did contribute towards consolidation but mainly in terms of the institutionalization of these new democracies without much evidence of deeper effects. Also, there are negative aspects of EU accession with its top-down procedures and emphasis on bureaucratic efficiency more than domestic participation.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse the motivations for split ticket voting and factors that facilitate such behavior and apply them to the Dutch situation, and employ various simulations based on the last three parliamentary elections in order to assess the potential consequences of split tickets voting under different electoral system proposals.
Abstract: In Mixed Member Proportional systems, voters are able to split their vote. To what extent do voters use this opportunity, which voters seem to use this opportunity most and what are the potential consequences of split ticket voting? These questions are answered by comparatively analyzing motives for split ticket voting and factors that facilitate such behavior and apply them to the Dutch situation. Moreover, we employ various simulations based on the last three parliamentary elections in order to assess the potential consequences of split ticket voting under different electoral system proposals. In general, these results indicate that split ticket voting will not have substantial effects on the distribution of seats in parliament.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that the world cannot plausibly be understood in terms of a society in Rawls's sense, and a Rawlsian global original position cannot generate politically meaningful principles of distributive justice.
Abstract: This paper argues that a political theory of global distributive justice, as envisaged by neo-Rawlsian cosmopolitans, makes no sense. Political theorists such as Charles Beitz, Thomas Pogge, and Darrel Moellendorf have argued that John Rawls's egalitarian conception of distributive justice should be applied globally, despite Rawls's own insistence on its limited applicability to domestic society. Against this position, two main arguments for skepticism about global egalitarian distributive justice are offered. First, the world cannot plausibly be understood in terms of a society in Rawls's sense, and a Rawlsian global original position cannot generate politically meaningful principles of distributive justice. Second, global distributive justice cannot serve as an achievable goal of international political endeavor within an environment that is, and should remain, anarchic; the utopian world government that it requires seems unrealistic, and in any event is politically undesirable from a liberal perspective. The cosmopolitan ideal of global distributive justice should have no weight in moral reasoning about international political choice.

Journal ArticleDOI
Knut Heidar1
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigated the impact of intra-parliamentary factors on group unity in the Dutch Tweede Kamer, and found that group unity is comparatively high.
Abstract: Will changing the Dutch electoral system to give MPs a stronger personal mandate affect parliamentary group unity in the Dutch parliament? To discuss this question, we first describe Parliamentary Party Group (PPG) unity in the Dutch Tweede Kamer. Placing the Dutch case in perspective, we find that group unity is comparatively high. Surveying next the analytical literature to establish the relative merits of sociological, institutional and electoral system variables, we find the impact of intra-parliamentary factors to be strong. Institutional incentives to stay united in political struggles weigh heavily when explaining why most West European parliaments score high on PPG unity, regardless of electoral systems in general and preferential voting arrangements in particular. We also stress the likely strategic party responses to electoral change, for example, by revising candidate selection procedures to reduce the possibilities of unwanted MP independence in parliaments. A stronger personal mandate may, nevertheless, give a moderate rise in the numerous ways in which MPs can communicate their personal qualities and party independence to their voters.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a multidimensional scaling analysis of data on 33 contested proposals on public sector reform in seven African countries, collected in 2001, is presented, showing that important differences exist between countries in: (a) the number of dimensions of preference space, (b) the involvement of key stakeholders, and (c) alignments between key stakeholders.
Abstract: Current theories of anti-corruption reforms in developing countries highly depend on the assumption that ‘vested interests’ oppose the interests of more progressive groups in society. However, no systematic description is yet available of the preference space of anti-corruption decision-making in developing countries. Are there consistent alignments of key stakeholders in the preference space, such as: the government, president, ruling party, parliamentary opposition, civil society, the media, (business) interests, and various anti-corruption agencies? This article presents a multidimensional scaling analysis of data on 33 contested proposals on public sector reform in seven African countries, collected in 2001. The analysis shows that important differences exist between countries in: (a) the number of dimensions of the preference space, (b) the involvement of key stakeholders, and (c) alignments between key stakeholders. Results are discussed with reference to anti-corruption policies of international non-governmental organizations.

Journal ArticleDOI
Silke van Dyk1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the structure and the creation of popular consensus in the Polder model, and raise the question why supply-sided strategies and not others, are seen as being necessary and sensible, and how power relations between the actors are embedded in the process of consensus creation.
Abstract: In the middle of the 1990s the Netherlands became world famous as the Poldermodel. Whereas the country had previously been used as a deterrent example, with high unemployment, low employment rates and rising public deficits in the late 1970s and 1980s, overnight it turned into a model country in terms of macroeconomic and social performance. An extensive consensus between government, employers and trade unions, which is held to be based on the supply side-oriented promotion of international competitiveness by wage restraint and the consolidation of public finances, is regarded as the recipe to success. However, in spite of its popularity since the mid-1990s, consensus has neither taken shape as an analytical concept nor has its creation been thoroughly scrutinized. Referred to as the explanans of successful management of crisis, consensus is at the centre of the academic and political debate, but in fact it has a shadowy existence. This article thus aims at examining the structure as well as the creation of popular unanimity, in order to reposition consensus from an explanans to an explanandum. Starting from an interpretative perspective based on the Foucauldian governmentality approach, the article raises the question why supply-sided strategies, and not others, are seen as being necessary and sensible, and how power relations between the actors are embedded in the process of consensus creation.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The impact of the electoral system on the relative importance of various modes of executive-legislative relations is indirect as mentioned in this paper, through its impact on the distribution of seats in parliament, co-determines the number of parties in government, which in turn influences cabinet durability, seen as an indicator of government domination over parliament.
Abstract: The impact of the electoral system on the relative importance of various modes of executive–legislative relations is indirect. Through its impact on the distribution of seats in parliament, the electoral system co-determines the number of parties in government, which in turn influences cabinet durability, which is seen as an indicator of government domination over parliament. Through its impact on the cohesion of parliamentary parties, the electoral system may have an effect on party and coalition discipline, and a weakening of such discipline may lead to more assertive members of parliament from governing parties. To the extent that the electoral system favours other foci of representation than party, it may also contribute to weakening party-based modes of executive–legislative relations. Tracing these three indirect effects leads to the conclusion that a Mixed Member Proportional system with multi-member districts as originally proposed by the Dutch government is likely to have had the opposite effect from what was intended. Of the proposals discussed, introducing a more open list system would contribute most to the desired weakening of party-based executive–legislative relations, but may have the unintended effect of strengthening the representation of cross-party sectoral interests.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the wearing of the "Islamic" headscarf by teachers of public schools and by uniformed police officers in the Netherlands is discussed from a contextual approach, which is more widely acceptable than a deductive approach.
Abstract: In questions of tolerance to cultural minority practices, we usually follow a deductive approach, in which we first establish the limits of tolerance in principle and then determine whether or not a particular practice is consistent with them The reason is that principles are considered ‘fundamental’ whereas other considerations are ‘contingent’; hence the outcomes of reasoning on principle are considered more ‘pure’ and fair Critics, however, claim that this deductive approach cannot adequately deal with the particularities of actual moral reasoning and therefore propose a ‘contextual approach’ to matters of tolerance This paper explores the possibilities of that approach by discussing two cases from that perspective: the wearing of the ‘Islamic’ headscarf by teachers of public schools and by (uniformed) police officers in the Netherlands We will concentrate on the claim that a contextual approach furthers social stability or ‘peace’ more than a deductive approach because it produces solutions that are more widely acceptable We will also discuss possible disadvantages of a contextual approach, in particular the risk that it results in a form of ‘moral casuistry’

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that introducing districts in a proportional system with a single nationwide district, thereby creating a mixed-member proportional system, will have an effect on the party system only if a chain of conditions all hold: first, small parties must view district campaigns as important in driving up their list votes; second, viable district candidates, with a personal stake in the success of their campaigns, will be significantly more effective at generating list votes than hopeless candidates.
Abstract: In this contribution, it is argued that introducing districts in a proportional system with a single nationwide district — thereby creating a mixed-member proportional system — will have an effect on the party system only if a chain of conditions all hold: first, small parties must view district campaigns as important in driving up their list votes; second, small parties must believe that viable district candidates, with a personal stake in the success of their campaigns, will be significantly more effective at generating list votes than hopeless candidates; and third, small parties must reckon that merger is superior in boosting list votes to alliance. The plausibility of these conditions is considered, but there is not much empirical evidence directly pertinent to assessing them.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: However, the list element did not enhance female representation, voters did not necessarily express a coalition preference, while smaller parties in Scotland smaller parties have broken through the de facto threshold as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Elections to devolved institutions in Scotland and Wales are held using the Additional Member System. This was adopted to help Labour secure support for their devolution policy from the Liberal Democrats. However, the system was crafted to give Labour a partisan benefit. The additional seats are allocated regionally, there is a low ratio of list to constituency seats and a high de facto threshold. The system's advocates hoped it would promote female representation and facilitate more nuanced electoral choice. Only some expectations have been fulfilled. Labour has won a higher proportion of seats than votes. Some voters have split their votes to vote for the constituency candidate they like most. But the list element did not enhance female representation, voters did not necessarily express a coalition preference, while in Scotland smaller parties have broken through the de facto threshold. Meanwhile, significant tensions have emerged between constituency and list representatives.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The main purpose of this special issue is to assess to what extent the comparative study of electoral systems offers a solid body of knowledge on the possible effects of various proposals to change the electoral system as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: As in several other countries, the electoral system in the Netherlands is a matter of dispute. The main purpose of this special issue is to assess to what extent the comparative study of electoral systems offers a solid body of knowledge on the possible effects of various proposals to change the electoral system. Such an assessment is not only useful for the ongoing discussion in the Netherlands but also produces a state-of-the-art of the comparative study of electoral systems. In this introduction, we first present an overview of the main characteristics and the historical background of the current Dutch electoral system. Subsequently, we discuss the critique evoked by this extremely proportional system. We then summarize the main objectives of a recent proposal of the Dutch government to change the electoral system. In the second half of this introduction, we present the outline of this special issue. Finally, we evaluate what we have learned about the relevance of the study of electoral systems for specific attempts to reform electoral systems.