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Showing papers in "African Journal of Political Science and International Relations in 2020"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that language and identity shift connected to post-war globalization reflects tensions between upward socio-economic mobility and cultural survival in Sierra Leone, and draw on interviews and political ethnographic work in Freetown and the districts.
Abstract: This article addresses the question, how does Sierra Leone’s language regime, moderated through formal and informal education, contribute to post-war globalization dynamics? Since Sierra Leonean independence from Britain in 1961, Krio, a type of Creole, has gone from being the mother tongue of a small ethnic minority to the lingua franca, particularly in Freetown, the state capital. English has been Sierra Leone’s elite language since colonial times and remains the only official language of government. Yet many other languages are spoken in Sierra Leone in different communities and contexts. Drawing on interviews and political ethnographic work in Freetown and the districts, the study argues that language and identity shift connected to post-war globalization reflects tensions between upward socio-economic mobility and cultural survival. Key words: Sierra Leone, language, education, participation, identity, citizenship.

11 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the current transformations to the phenomenon of international migration in Africa, the most important factors driving it, and what policies and future challenges it faces, using a qualitative research design involving a literature review.
Abstract: Over the past two decades, migration in Africa has been rising continuously in all subregions ‎The range of migration flows include a rise in migrant workers, female migrants, an increase in ‎irregular migration as well as a large number of refugees and internally displaced persons It is ‎no secret that ‎current scholarship, especially the literature that concerned international ‎organizations have adopted, ‎has been unable to explicate the various dimensions of the ‎phenomenon of migration and ‎displacement in the context of Africa Effective study of ‎migration in Africa may ‎require the "Africanization" of all related concepts to serve as a tool ‎for analysis in accordance ‎with a cultural pan-African perspective This study seeks to explore ‎the current ‎transformations to the phenomenon of international migration in Africa, the ‎most ‎important factors driving it, and what policies and future challenges it faces The paper ‎uses a qualitative ‎ research design involving a literature review ‎ Key words: Migration, refugees, displaced persons, feminization of migration, environmental refugees

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors reinsert African agency into the discussion by revealing how African state-elites have made strategic appeals to notions of African weakness and state fragility to convince donors to finance their governments and assist in the elimination of rivals for continuing their (sometimes) illiberal rule.
Abstract: Most states in Africa, due to their unique history of state formation, do not satisfy the established (western-centric) pre-requisites of statehood. This incongruity results in Africa being framed as a place of fragile states with African agency discounted in the process. The discourse on state fragility is instrumental in insidiously granting legitimacy for western governmental interventions in Africa. Meanwhile, the resulting reception of international aid and security assistance by African governments has produced an increasingly popular claim: African states have lost the autonomy to determine their affairs. An important aim of this paper is to challenge this assumption and re-insert African agency into the discussion by revealing how African state-elites have made strategic appeals to notions of African weakness and state fragility to convince donors to finance their governments and assist in the elimination of rivals for continuing their (sometimes) illiberal rule. Subsequently, speeches, interviews, newspaper articles and donor reports from Uganda will be subject to critical discourse analysis (CDA) to demonstrate this point. On a theoretical plane, studying how African actors’ interactions with discursive structures have granted them room for agency, a dialectical position is taken in understanding the structure-agency debate. Key words: Africa, agency, fragile states, discourses, Uganda.

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the origin of Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF) counter-insurgency (COIN) operational mandate as well as the linkage between border, threat of insurgency and MNJTF COIN operation in Nigeria's northeastern region.
Abstract: Borderline as a defence line is central in countering transnational insurgency. Yet, countries in African Sub-region are lackadaisical about redefining inherited colonial borders. Primarily, the study examined the origin of Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF) counterinsurgency (COIN) operational mandate as well as the linkage between border, threat of insurgency and MNJTF COIN operation in Nigeria's northeastern region. It derived data from secondary sources and method of analysis adopted was content descriptive analysis ; enemy-centric and population-centric COIN theories upheld this study. Interestingly, study reveals that in 1994, MNJTF was established by Nigeria to deal with insurgent from its northern borders and later expanded to include African neighbours. That in 2015, MNJTF was formally authorized under a new concept of operation to cover COIN with the mandate to: Create a safe environment in areas affected by Boko Haram activities; prevent expansion of insurgency activities and facilitate overall stabilization programme to fully restore state authority. However, study found four evidences linking the threat of insurgency to the porous/undefined nature of the shared borderland with Niger, Chad and Cameroon: (1) the overlapping pattern in community settlements on the borderland makes it difficult for MNJTF to effectively counter insurgents; (2) it favours illegal arms trafficking; (3) borderland forested area serves as shelter and factory base of the insurgents; (4) borderland ecological factor strengthens insurgent membership and operation in the terrain. Therefore, paper argues that with the present character of the shared borderland in northeastern Nigeria, countering insurgency would remain challenging. Paper recommends policy guide for effective COIN. Key words: Arms trafficking, ecological factor, insurgency, counterinsurgency, Nigeria's northeast.

6 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the coronavirus has exposed the political leadership by bringing to bear endemic socio-economic inequalities which result in citizens responding differently to government regulations meant to flatten the curve of infection.
Abstract: Pandemic outbreaks are not a new phenomenon globally. There is plethora of evidence to substantiate this view. However, each epidemic has its own defining features, magnitude, and discernible impact. Societies are affected differently. The coronavirus or COVID-19 is not an incongruity. Although it is still active, thus making detailed empirical data inconclusive, it has already impacted societies in many ways - leaving indelible marks. Regarding methodology, this paper is an analytic and exploratory desktop study which draws evidence from different countries to advance certain arguments. It is mainly grounded in political science (specifically international relations) and history academic disciplines. Firstly, the paper begins by looking at how the coronavirus has affected international relations – both positively and negatively. Secondly, using examples from different countries, it argues that the virus has exposed the political leadership by bringing to bear endemic socio-economic inequalities which result in citizens responding differently to government regulations meant to flatten the curve of infection. Thirdly, in the context of Africa, the paper makes a compelling argument that some of the socio-economic situations found within the continent are remnants of colonialism and apartheid. But it also proceeds to aver that these situations have been sustained in Africa due to factors like leadership deficit, nepotism, party politics, inefficiency, corruption and ineptitude. Lastly, the paper recommends that political leaders should refrain from making reckless statements and join hands with their citizens if the war against the virus is to be won. Key words: Coronavirus, international relations, pandemic, political leaders, socio-economic inequalities.

5 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a study examines youth violence and the failure of the Nigerian state, with focus on Onyabo Vigilante Groups (OVG), as a crucial actor in curtailing violence in Ikorodu Local Government of Lagos State.
Abstract: Studies and institutional reports have argued that youth violence is a precursor to national insecurity in Nigeria. Contrary to youth as an agent of transformation and national development, their recurrence in violent conflicts has continued to undermine the national security of the country. Such security backlash is further conflated by the protracted Boko Haram insurgency which has ruptured the nation building, but also tugs on the sovereignty of the Nigerian state. While these phenomena have increasing implication for the country stability; youth violence across various communities in Lagos State, a megacity; the economic nerve centre of the country has further put Nigeria’s economic prosperity and security architecture in dire strait. This security deficit is the prevalence of anomie and lawlessness in Ikorodu Local Government area of Lagos State, instigated by the crisis of urbanisation, land grabbing, demographic pressure and cultism. This study examines youth violence and the failure of the Nigerian state, with focus on Onyabo Vigilante Groups (OVG), as a crucial actor in curtailing violence in Ikorodu Local Government of Lagos State. Using a qualitative method as a frame of analysis, the study argues that the lack of state capacity, resulting in unemployment, abject poverty and poor socio-condition is responsible for the widespread incidences of youth violence instigated by land grabbing and cultism in Ikorodu Local Government. The study concludes on the imperative of overhauling the security architecture of the state, to recognise vigilante groups legally and institutionally, as a complementary security outfit to the Nigerian police. More importantly, questions of poverty, unemployment and social dislocation should be put on the front burner of government developmental agenda to forestall hopelessness and frustration which are frequent condition breeding violence in Nigeria. Key words: State, vigilante, youth violence, Onyabo, Ikorodu.

5 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors re-examine and reassess Nigeria's foreign policy from 1960 to 1979 and conclude that the Mohammed-Obasanjo administration was the best in Nigeria.
Abstract: This article re-examines and reassesses Nigeria’s foreign policy from 1960 to 1979. From independence in 1960, all the administrations in Nigeria had similar foreign policy objectives until 1975 when General Murtala Mohammed became the Head of State. General Mohammed was killed in a failed military coup d’etat and General Olusegun Obasanjo, his deputy, became the head of state; hence, the usage of Mohammed-Obasanjo administration. The administration of Mohammed and Obasanjo witnessed the first time that Nigerian broke away from her traditional-moderate way of pursuing foreign policy objectives to a new style with emphasis on action, rather rhetoric. The aim of this review article was to re-examine and reassess the transformations in Nigeria’s foreign policy and diplomacy during the administration of Mohammed and Obasanjo. This review article discovers that Nigeria’s foreign policy truly transformed from reactionary, conservative, static, and lacklustre nature to inspiring, progressive, radical, and dynamic during the administration of Generals Murtala Mohammed and Olusegun Obasanjo. The article concluded that the Mohammed-Obasanjo’s foreign policy was the best in Nigeria from independence in 1960 to 1979 when Obasanjo handed power to President Shehu Shagari. Key words: Nigeria, foreign policy, diplomacy, international relations, security.

5 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the growing importance of China in Africa coupled with its unconventional aid model has increased its agency vis-a-vis western countries, and the case study of Angola and Niger reveals that their bargaining power has increased as a result of their relation with China.
Abstract: The recent surge in cooperation between China and African countries challenges the western aid model thus giving African countries a better leverage and negotiating power in their relation with the west. It is obvious that the Chinese presence in Africa is motivated by its economic and energy security agenda, which consist in securing natural resources to ensure security of supply and demand in its domestic market. This paper argues that the growing importance of China in Africa coupled with its unconventional aid model has increased its agency vis-a-vis western countries. The case study of Angola and Niger reveals that their bargaining power vis-a-vis the west has increased as a result of their relation with China. However, it is also important to point out that they do not have the same level of agency in regards to their relation with China: Angola derives a stronger bargaining power and is more assertive than Niger. Key words: African agency, Angola, Niger, China, Western countries, natural resources.

5 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the extent to which the UN has been able to ensure that human rights become the cornerstone of human security, its challenges and prospects is examined, and the authors recommend that knowledge and respect of human rights should be deepened in the curriculum of every level of socialization.
Abstract: The two World Wars (1914-18, 1939-1945) cannot be forgotten easily. This is because of their uncanny brutality and imponderable consequences which in no small measure demonstrated man’s capacity to destroy himself and decimate the environment. This assertion is predicated on the millions of people who were gruesomely killed, maimed and properties wantonly destroyed. The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction undoubtedly became an easy way to mediate an insatiable economic instinct. Propelled by the desire to save the human family from imminent extinction, world leaders decided to stop the carnage. They were convinced that upholding the tenets of human freedom in all ramifications offers a guarantee for human security and development. Therefore, this study seeks to examine the extent the UN has been able to ensure that human rights become the cornerstone of human security, its challenges and prospects. This is a qualitative study, and data collected was based solely on secondary sources. These include, browsing of the internet, review of existing literature, UN Resolutions, Official bulletins, Newspapers, Magazines and visit to some research institutes like the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Center for Black Arts and African Culture (CBAC). It was discovered that since its formation in 1945, the UN has accomplished a lot in mainstreaming human rights. Consequently, many regional bodies like the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), European Union (EU), the Organization of American States (OAS) and member States of UN have keyed into the UN emphasis on respect and promotion of human rights as a minimum condition for global peace. We recommend that knowledge and respect of human rights should be deepened in the curriculum of every level of socialization. Key words: Human insecurity, human rights, human family, development, global peace.

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that while stay at home and closed door policies can reduce the spread of the virus and save lives, the unintended consequences in terms of inappropriate use of time, pyscho-emotional distress, and loss of livelihoods on one hand and shrinking international or inter-state cooperation and declining trend of globalization, on the other hand, will be incalculable.
Abstract: The novel Corona Virus (Covid-19) is creating havoc in the world. It is causing greatest damage to the health and economic fabrics of societies with considerable impact on individuals, families, communities, and nations in unprecedented scale. At the same time countries are taking desperate measures to curb its spread and limit its negative consequences. Some of these measures include stay at home and closed door policies. The objective of this paper is to argue that while these policies can reduce the spread of the virus and saves lives, the unintended consequences in terms of inappropriate use of time, pyscho-emotional distress, and loss of livelihoods on one hand and shrinking international or inter-state cooperation and declining trend of globalization, on the other hand, will be incalculable. Given the recent arrival of the complex social, political and economic problems associated with the virus, our knowledge about the scale and directions of these problems is yet to emerge. Using the critical observation and analysis methods, the various implications of the pandemic are highlighted throughout the discussion. The concluding section of the paper calls for a continuous and comprehensive research to generate relevant policy recommendations on constructive responses to the short and long term consequences of Covid-19 and its impacts on individuals, families, communities and the future of globalization. Key words: Covid-19, solidarity, international cooperation, globalization, developing countries.

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the extent of ECOWAS Peace Strategy in resolving the post-electoral crisis in Cote d'Ivoire and the efficiency of the election mission strategy were examined.
Abstract: Conflict is inevitable in all human relations, but when managed properly, the cost in human lives and properties are minimized. This paper examined the extent of ECOWAS Peace Strategy in resolving the Post-Electoral crisis in Cote d’Ivoire and the efficiency of the ECOWAS Election Mission Strategy. In-depth interview research design was adopted, that is, both primary (structured interviews) and secondary (contextual review) techniques of data collection were used. Through a qualitative approach, a total number of 15 key-informants were interviewed using the cluster sampling method. The results showed that ECOWAS adopted the mechanisms of mediation, peace enforcement, peacekeeping, diplomacy, negotiation, election observation and litigation to bring about peace in Cote d’Ivoire in 2010. Furthermore, internal identity based conflict, lack of structural and strategic election management strategy, border insecurity, not being proactive, lack of stable military force and politics among its member states were discovered as factors militating ECOWAS in its efforts to bring about peace in the sub region, while proper funding, emphasis on education sector, legislature actions, use of sanctions and regional cooperation were recommended. The study concluded that lack of financial and technical resources has limited the intervention of ECOWAS in conflict resolutions to only political and diplomatic approaches. Key words: Post-election conflicts, conflict interventions, ECOWAS, Cote d’Ivoire.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors identify and describe the areas where China is contributing its part in addressing regional disruption and identify China's contribution as plausible in the fight against piracy in the coastal areas of Somalia, peace keeping mission and post conflict peace building in Somalia, and mediating peace process in Sudan and South Sudan.
Abstract: The Horn of Africa is a term given to the geographic map in the North East part of the African continent. The region connects Africa to the outside world like the Middle East, Europe and Asia that indicates its geopolitical significance. Despite its geopolitical significance, the region remains one of the most unstable, underdeveloped and security wise volatile than any other region of Africa. These multiple challenges and interlinkages affect not only the region but also the international community in a variety of its forms; like the increased rate of piracy, terrorism, transfer of arms and light weapons, black marketing, and influx of refugee crises are few cases to mention. This calls for the involvement of responsible big powers. Currently, various powers are engaged in the promotion of peace and security in the region, of which China is one. In lieu of this, then, the objective of the paper is to identify and describe the areas where China is contributing its part in addressing regional disruption. Hence, the study has identified China’s contribution as plausible in the fight against piracy in the coastal areas of Somalia, peace keeping mission and post conflict peace building in Somalia, and mediating peace process in Sudan and South Sudan. Yet its predicament is found to be its inability to help pressure groups and civil society organization in their effort for same effect. Hence, it is recommended that China need to device ways in how manner best to work with nongovernmental institutions in ameliorating regional disruption. Key words: Peace and security, big power responsibility, peacekeeping, pirates.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the organic composition of Nigerian federalism; constitutional conferences and logic of political restructuring and the implications of Nigerians' perceptive on restructuring question were examined and the theoretical framework of analysis was adequately anchored on the classical political economy paradigm as pioneered by Karl Marx; and validated through the writings of Ake, Alavi and Ifesinachi.
Abstract: The foundation of Nigeria’s problems lies in its historical development. This is linked to the swift design by predatory colonial masters aimed at achieving their political economy in colonialization of Africa. Sequel to the amalgamation of the southern and northern protectorates in 1914, Nigeria’s minimal state has continued to witness serial and intractable agitations, political interplays and intrigues and aspirations of statesmen and nationalists turned into defensive, mutual distrusts and regionalized. The social formation was at disequilibrium, hence, heightening the rate of agitations from different quarters. More worrisome is ever increasing calls for reformulation and restructuring of ailing Nigerian federal practice characterized by centripetal forces. However, it is based on this backdrop that the paper sets to interrogate the organic composition of Nigerian federalism; constitutional conferences and logic of political restructuring and the implications of Nigerians’ perceptive on restructuring question. Methodologically, the paper appropriated documentary method and data were ostensibly generated through secondary sources of data collection and analyzed in content. The theoretical framework of analysis for the study was adequately anchored on the classical political economy paradigm as pioneered by Karl Marx; and validated through the writings of Ake, Alavi and Ifesinachi. The findings of the study had significantly revealed that federalism in Nigeria is more or less a feeding bottle system. Also implicated is that Nigerian state has failed to foster social engineering and nation-building, thereby enhancing agitations for restructuring. The paper recommends the need to devolve powers to other tiers of government other than concentration of power at center. Key words: Morbid federalism, minimal state, Nigeria, restructuring, national development.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that citizens' uncooperative attitude in governance issues, and leaders' unpreparedness to be accountable to the citizenry result from lack of democratic acculturation.
Abstract: Following the political instabilities that have characterised Ghana few years after independence from British colonialists, many were those who thought multiparty democratic governance was the surest way to good governance and sustainable human development. The paper argues that citizens’ uncooperative attitude in governance issues, and leaders’ unpreparedness to be accountable to the citizenry result from lack of democratic acculturation. The way forward to achieving and ensuring good governance and peace in Ghana therefore is an elaborate and sustained democratic education geared toward making democracy a way of life for Ghanaians. The paper is an empirical study founded on current affairs and democratic politics in Ghana. It combines historical and sociological approaches in the interpretation of textual data and empirical observations in the formulation of its reflections. In so doing, it examines what democracy is not, on one hand, and what it is, on the other. Informed-knowledge of these two realities will lead to democratic literacy urgently required for good governance, socio-economic and political development in Ghana. Key words: Democracy, governance, illiteracy, authoritarianism, dictatorship, responsiveness.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors conducted a qualitative, historical and discourse analysis based on desk reviews on the experiences of the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) in four countries (Cote d'Ivoire, Sudan, Libya, and Somalia).
Abstract: How do regional Parliaments contribute to conflict resolution? At what point in time do they intervene and with what impact? These are the key questions pursued in this paper. The ultimate purpose is to stimulate further discussion on the subject. The methodology employed is qualitative, historical and discourse analysis based on desk reviews. The study was conducted in 2011 and 12 with a focus on the experiences of the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) in four countries (Cote d’Ivoire, Sudan, Libya, and Somalia). The findings of the study reveal that regional parliaments play important roles in resolving violent conflicts. The study also confirms that in most cases, regional parliaments begin to intervene when conflict starts to escalate and stay involved until the situation stabilizes. In the process, regional parliamentarians use a range of tools: internal debates, fact-finding missions, providing fora for different actors, organizing meetings with diplomatic representations, and issuing periodic communications. These instruments target not only parties to conflicts but also other stakeholders with direct and indirect effects on conflict settings. Moreover, the study highlights that the positions of regional parliaments on a given conflict change depend on changing circumstances on the ground and parliamentarians' understanding of the situation. The paper concludes that though the power of PAP is limited to consultative and advisory roles, it plays considerable roles in trying to settle conflicts in different parts of the continent. Key words: Conflict resolution, African Union, regional parliaments, Pan African parliament, diplomacy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the cultural and political changes that occurred in South Africa after the fall of the Apartheid regime in 1994 are analyzed, and they highlighted changes in both the political culture and the structure of roles' interactions, as well as a consequent shift of the political system from a Pre-industrialized/Totalitarian to a Continental European one.
Abstract: This article analyzes the cultural and political changes that occurred in South Africa after the fall of the Apartheid regime in 1994 Such relevant events have impacted South African political system; it is defined by Almond and Verba as the interaction of roles (differentiated and undifferentiated) and the political culture (heterogeneous and homogeneous) in a country A change in one of the two components is likely to trigger a change in the other, as well as a shift of the system in the four-fold Almond’s classification The descriptive statistics and comparative document analysis employed to analyze data from 1982 and 2013 highlighted changes in both the political culture and the structure of roles’ interactions, as well as a consequent shift of the political system from a Pre-industrialized/Totalitarian to a Continental European one Key words: Apartheid, political system, roles, political culture, comparative analysis